J. G. A. Pocock’s numerous investigations have
all revolved around the fruitful assumption that a
work of political thought can only be understood in
light of the linguistic constraints to which its author
(5) was subject, for these prescribed both the choice of
subject matter and the author’s conceptualization of
this subject matter. Only the occasional epic
theorist, like Machiavelli or Hobbes, succeeded in
breaking out of these bonds by redefining old terms
(10) and inventing new ones. The task of the modern
commentator is to identify the “language” or
“vocabulary” with and within which the author
operated. While historians of literature have always
been aware that writers work within particular
(15) traditions, the application of this notion to the
history of political ideas forms a sharp contrast to
the assumptions of the 1950s, when it was naïvely
thought that the close reading of a text by an
analytic philosopher was sufficient to establish its
(20) meaning, even if the philosopher had no knowledge
of the period of the text’s composition.
The language Pocock has most closely
investigated is that of “civic humanism.” For much
of his career he has argued that eighteenth-century
(25) English political thought should be interpreted as a
conflict between rival versions of the “virtue” central
to civic humanism. On the one hand, he argues, this
virtue is described by representatives of the Tory
opposition using a vocabulary of public spirit and
(30) self-sufficiency. For these writers the societal ideal is
the small, independent landowner in the
countryside. On the other hand, Whig writers
describe such virtue using a vocabulary of
commerce and economic progress; for them the
(35) ideal is the merchant.
In making such linguistic discriminations
Pocock has disassociated himself from historians
like Namier, who deride all eighteenth-century
English political language as “cant.” But while
(40) Pocock’s ideas have proved fertile when applied to
England, they are more controversial when applied
to the late-eighteenth-century United States.
Pocock’s assertion that Jefferson’s attacks on the
commercial policies of the Federalists simply echo
(45) the language of the Tory opposition in England is at
odds with the fact that Jefferson rejected the elitist
implications of that group’s notion of virtue and
asserted the right of all to participate in commercial
society. Indeed, after promptings by Quentin
(50) Skinner, Pocock has admitted that a
counterlanguage—one of rights and liberties—was
probably as important in the political discourse of
the late-eighteenth-century United States as the
language of civic humanism. Fortunately, it is not
(55) necessary to rank the relative importance of all the
different vocabularies in which eighteenth-century
political argument was conducted. It is sufficient to
recognize that any interesting text is probably a
mixture of several of these vocabularies, and to
(60) applaud the historian who, though guilty of some
exaggeration, has done the most to make us aware of
their importance.
1. The main idea of the passage is that(A) civic humanism, in any of its manifestations, cannot entirely explain eighteenth-century political discourse
(B) eighteenth-century political texts are less likely to reflect a single vocabulary than to combine several vocabularies
(C) Pocock’s linguistic approach, though not applicable to all eighteenth-century political texts, provides a useful model for historians of political theory
(D) Pocock has more successfully accounted for the nature of political thought in eighteenthcentury England than in the eighteenthcentury United States
(E) Pocock’s notion of the importance of language in political texts is a logical extension of the insights of historians of literature
2. According to the passage, Pocock most clearly associates the use of a vocabulary of economic progress with(A) Jefferson
(B) Federalists
(C) English Whigs
(D) English Tories
(E) rural English landowners
3. The author’s attitude toward Pocock is best revealed by which of the following pairs of words?(A) “fruitful” (line 2) and “cant” (line 39)
(B) “sharp” (line 16) and “elitist” (line 46)
(C) “naively” (line 17) and “controversial” (line 41)
(D) “fertile” (line 40) and “applaud” (line 60)
(E) “simply” (line 44) and “importance” (line 55)
4. The passage suggests that one of the “assumptions of the 1950s” (line 17) regarding the meaning of a political text was that this meaning(A) could be established using an approach similar to that used by literary historians
(B) could be definitively established without reference to the text’s historical background
(C) could be closely read in several different ways depending on one’s philosophic approach
(D) was constrained by certain linguistic preconceptions held by the text’s author
(E) could be expressed most clearly by an analytic philosopher who had studied its historical context
5. The author of the passage would most likely agree that which one of the following is a weakness found in Pocock’s work?(A) the use of the term “language” to describe the expressive features of several diverse kinds of discourse
(B) the overemphatic denigration of the role of the analytic philosopher in establishing the meaning of a political, or indeed any, text
(C) the emphasis on the overriding importance of civic humanism in eighteenth-century English political thought
(D) the insistence on a single linguistic dichotomy to account for political thought in eighteenth century England and the United States
(E) the assignment of certain vocabularies to particular parties in eighteenth-century England without taking note of how these vocabularies overlapped
6. Which one of the following best describes the organization of the passage?(A) A description of a thesis is offered, specific cases are considered, and an evaluation is given.
(B) A thesis is brought forward, the thesis is qualified, and evidence that calls the qualification into question is stated.
(C) A hypothesis is described, examples that suggest it is incorrect are summarized, and supporting examples are offered.
(D) A series of evaluations are given, concrete reasons are put forward, and a future direction for research is suggested.
(E) Comparisons and contrasts are made, some categories of evaluation are suggested, and a framework for applying these categories is implied.