Modern cultural anthropology has its origins in, and developed

Modern cultural anthropology has its origins in, and developed in reaction to, 19th century "ethnology", which involves the organized comparison of human societies. Scholars like E.B. Taylor and J.G. Frazer in England worked mostly with materials collected by others – usually missionaries, traders, explorers, or colonial officials. This practice earned them their current sobriquet of "arm-chair anthropologists".

Ethnologists share a special interest in why people living in different parts of the world often had similar beliefs and practices. In addressing this question, ethnologists in the 19th century divided into two schools of thought. Some, like Grafton Elliot Smith, argued that different groups must somehow have learned from one another, however indirectly; in other words, they argued that cultural traits must have spread from one place to another, or "diffused".

Other ethnologists argued that different groups had the capability of inventing similar beliefs and practices independently. Some of those who advocated "independent invention", like Lewis Henry Morgan, additionally supposed that similarities meant that different groups had passed through the same stages of cultural evolution. Morgan, like other 19th century social evolutionists, believed there was a more or less orderly progression from the primitive to the civilized.

20th century anthropologists largely reject the notion that all human societies must pass through the same stages in the same order, on the grounds that such a notion does not fit the empirical facts. Some ethnologists from this group, like Julian Steward, have instead argued that such similarities reflected similar adaptations to similar environments. Others, such as Claude Lévi-Strauss have argued that apparent patterns of development reflect fundamental similarities in the structure of human thought - called structuralism. By the mid-20th century, the examples of people skipping stages, such as going from hunter-gatherers to post-industrial service occupations in one generation, were so numerous that 19th century social evolutionism was effectively disproved.

1- Which of the following observations, if true, would help validate the theory of structuralism?

A- Two indigenous groups, from separate and isolated polar latitudes, developed similar customs in coping with the cold climate.
B- Many of the customs of a South Pacific island culture are linked to the mainland cultures 3000 miles away; it is believed that some contact from primitive raft journeys took place between the cultures.
C- Two ancient cultures with no interaction and vastly different climates were found by archaeologists to have developed strangely similar customs and innovations.
D- Many of the modern astronomical and mathematical systems used today have been adapted from techniques developed by the Maya over 4,000 years ago.
E- Many important intellectual advances in human history, such as the development of calculus and evolutionary theory, took place independently of one another.


2- The primary purpose of this passage is to:

A- show that the basic tenets of 19th century social evolutionism are false
B- discuss two conflicting views of 19th century ethnologists
C- explain the theories of modern cultural anthropology
D- provide a historical perspective on 19th century ethnology
E- argue that 20th century perspectives on ethnology are superior to 19th century perspectives.


3- It can be inferred from the passage that “ethnology” (Highlighted) is:

A- different from cultural anthropology
B- a branch of anthropology
C- synonymous with social evolution
D- a separate field of study from anthropology
E- similar to “structuralism”