The following passage is adapted from an article published in 1981.
Chinese is a language of many distinct dialects
that are often mutually unintelligible. Some linguists
have argued that a new dialect of Chinese has evolved
in the United States, which is commonly used in the
(5) Chinatown section of San Francisco. The characte-
rization of this "Chinatown Chinese" as a distinct dialect is
based primarily on two claims: first, that it is so
different from any other dialect used in China that a
person newly arrived from that country might have a
(10) difficult time communicating with a Chinese American
in San Francisco who speaks nominally the same
language as the newcomer, and, second, that no matter
which of the traditional Chinese dialects one speaks,
one can communicate effectively with other Chinese
(15) Americans in San Francisco so long as one is proficient
in the uniquely Chinese-American terminologies.
Regarding the first claim, much of the distinctive
vocabulary of Chinatown Chinese consists of proper
names of geographical places and terms for things
(20) that some people, especially those born and raised in
villages, had never encountered in China. Some are
transliterated terms, such as dang-tang for "downtown."
Others are direct translations from American English,
such as gong-ngihn ngiht ("labor" plus "day") for
(25) "Labor Day." However, the core of the language
brought to the U.S. by Chinese people has remained
intact. Thus, the new vocabulary has supplemented,
but not supplanted, the traditional language in the
traditional dialects. In fact, normal conversations can
(30) be conducted fairly readily between Chinese-speaking
Chinese Americans and new arrivals from China,
provided that they speak the same traditional Chinese
dialect as each other. Terms not familiar to the
newcomer, most of which would name objects, places,
(35) and events that are part of the local experience, can
easily be avoided or explained by the speaker, or their
meaning can be inferred from the context. The supposed
language barrier is, therefore, mostly imaginary.
The second claim—that the sharing of a uniquely
(40) Chinese-American vocabulary makes possible
communication among Chinese Americans no matter
what their basic dialect of Chinese may be—is a
misleading oversimplification. While many
Chinese-American speakers of the chinses dialects
(45) have become familiar with Cantonese, now the most
common dialect of Chinese spoken in the U.S.,
through watching Cantonese movies and by hearing
that dialect in Hong Kong, Guandong, or the U.S.,
this is not the same thing as sharing a single unique
(50) dialect. Moreover, the dialects of Chinese can differ
markedly in their systems of sounds and, to some
extent, in grammar and vocabulary, and these
differences persist among Chinese-American speakers
of these various dialects. Hence, even a common
(55) vocabulary for such things as names of U.S. cities,
street names, and non-Chinese items does not
guarantee mutual intelligibility because these words
constitute only a minute percentage of each dialect and
are generally peripheral to the core vocabulary.
1. Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?(A) Linguists who argue that Chinatown Chinese constitutes a distinct new dialect are mistaken because it is intelligible to speakers of the Cantonese dialect.
(B) Because Chinatown Chinese is unfamiliar to many native Chinese people, linguists have concluded that it constitutes a distinct new dialect of Chinese.
(C) The primary claims supporting the view that Chinatown Chinese is a distinct new dialect do not stand up to close examination.
(D) Because visitors from China can fairly easily converse with Chinese Americans living in San Francisco, the variety of language there cannot be designated a distinct new dialect.
(E) Although Chinese dialects are difficult to define with certainty, linguists are now in agreement that Chinatown Chinese does not constitute a distinct new dialect.
2. The passage suggests that a visitor from China who speaks the same traditional dialect as a Chinese-American person in San Francisco would find it most difficult to converse with that person about(A) news from China
(B) mutual relatives in San Francisco
(C) the Chinese American's daily life in the U.S.
(D) the Chinese visitor's feelings about the U.S.
(E) Chinese cultural traditions
3. The author mentions the words dang-tang (line 22) and gong-ngihn ngiht (line 24) in order to(A) demonstrate the extent to which American English terms dominate Chinatown Chinese
(B) illustrate how Chinese Americans are able to communicate with each other easily despite using different dialects
(C) explain why native Chinese are able to understand Chinese Americans with relative ease
(D) show why Chinatown Chinese should be considered a distinct new dialect
(E) exemplify the ways in which American English terms have become part of or have influenced Chinatown Chinese
4. According to the passage, in San Francisco the traditional Chinese dialects spoken by Chinese immigrants to the U.S.(A) remain at their core essentially the same over time
(B) eventually merge with other Chinese dialects
(C) undergo subtle changes in sound and grammatical structure
(D) are often abandoned by native speakers for the Cantonese dialect
(E) lose much of their traditional vocabulary as they incorporate transliterated American English terms
5. When the passage refers to "transliterated terms" (line 22), the author most likely means words(A) whose sounds and meanings have been directly incorporated into another language
(B) that name objects, places, and events that are part of local experience
(C) that are written in the same way in another language
(D) that are direct translations from another language
(E) that sound different in different dialects