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Question 1
B
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Difficulty:
35%
(medium)
Question Stats:
71% (03:15) correct
29%
(03:10) wrong
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Question 2
C
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Difficulty:
25%
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Question Stats:
71% (01:16) correct 29%
(01:24) wrong
based on 408
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Not Attempted Yet
Question 3
B
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71% (01:15) correct 29%
(01:26) wrong
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Question 4
E
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Difficulty:
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Question Stats:
73% (01:12) correct 27%
(01:45) wrong
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ᅠᅠIn his study Pau Hana: Plantation Life and Labor in Hawaiif1835-1920, Ronald Takaki calls attention to similarities between Hawaii prior to the Second World War and the pre—Civil War South. Both were plantation cultures dominated by White ruling classes that enjoyed monopolized access to government power. Both rested on single-crop, export agricultures employing a racially distinct labor force that was either enslaved or, as in Hawaii, only nominally free. Takaki makes clear from the outset, however, that differences between these two plantation societies are no less significant than their similarities. The culture of the sugar plantation in Hawaii was a product of the post-Civil War era. Although Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, and Filipinos all embarked for Hawaii under economic duress, there were elements of choice and aspiration in their migration; and although they endured circumstances similar to those of African slaves in the pre-Civil War South, the totality of their experience remained more like that of immigrants to the industrializing North during the post-Civil War era.
ᅠᅠTakaki sees the key to this experience in an emerging sense of class identity within the Hawaiian labor force, superseding and transcending (although not obliterating) ethnicity. Crucial steps in his construction of this sequence are the plantation strikes of 1909 and 1920, described as revolts against paternalism. Not only were low wages at issue, but also enforced dependency under planter control in the villages and the prevalence of "good behavior" bonus systems in lieu of a generalized wage scale. In 1909 the Japanese, by then the largest single component of the labor force, went on strike by themselves, without attempting to enlist other ethnic groups. In 1920, by contrast, there were 8,300 Filipino and Japanese strikers—77 percent of the entire plantation work force. Both strikes failed in the formal sense, yet both led to major concessions from the planters. In Takaki's interpretation, these mass engagements registered the emerging dominance of a shared class identification over the plural and divisive identities imposed by separate ethnic histories. Thus 1920 pointed predictively to the successful unionization movement immediately after the Second World War that would bring planter hegemony in the islands substantially to a close.
ᅠᅠTakaki sees the key to this experience in an emerging sense of class identity within the Hawaiian labor force, superseding and transcending (although not obliterating) ethnicity. Crucial steps in his construction of this sequence are the plantation strikes of 1909 and 1920, described as revolts against paternalism. Not only were low wages at issue, but also enforced dependency under planter control in the villages and the prevalence of "good behavior" bonus systems in lieu of a generalized wage scale. In 1909 the Japanese, by then the largest single component of the labor force, went on strike by themselves, without attempting to enlist other ethnic groups. In 1920, by contrast, there were 8,300 Filipino and Japanese strikers—77 percent of the entire plantation work force. Both strikes failed in the formal sense, yet both led to major concessions from the planters. In Takaki's interpretation, these mass engagements registered the emerging dominance of a shared class identification over the plural and divisive identities imposed by separate ethnic histories. Thus 1920 pointed predictively to the successful unionization movement immediately after the Second World War that would bring planter hegemony in the islands substantially to a close.
1. Which of the following can be inferred from the passage about Chinese and Korean laborers in Hawaii in 1920 ?
A. They were not called upon to join the plantation strike.
B. They made up less than a quarter of the plantation labor force.
C. They had arrived more recently than had Japanese and Filipino laborers.
D. Their decision not to strike was arrived at through collective action.
E. Their actions were motivated more by political than by economic considerations.
A. They were not called upon to join the plantation strike.
B. They made up less than a quarter of the plantation labor force.
C. They had arrived more recently than had Japanese and Filipino laborers.
D. Their decision not to strike was arrived at through collective action.
E. Their actions were motivated more by political than by economic considerations.
2. The author mentions all of the following as issues prompting strikes against the Hawaiian planters in the early twentieth century EXCEPT
A. low wages
B. the lack of a generalized wage scale
C. attempts to block the unionization of plantation laborers
D. the limited autonomy afforded laborers in their villages
E. incentives designed by planters to encourage obedience among the laborers
A. low wages
B. the lack of a generalized wage scale
C. attempts to block the unionization of plantation laborers
D. the limited autonomy afforded laborers in their villages
E. incentives designed by planters to encourage obedience among the laborers
3. Which of the following best describes the organization of the second paragraph of the passage?
A. Two views are contrasted, reasons for and against each are summarized, and one of the two views is affirmed.
B. An observation is cited, specific historical examples are discussed, and a later development supporting the observation is alluded to.
C. A hypothesis is advanced, confirming evidence is supplied, and a weakness in the hypothesis is examined and dismissed.
D. A chronology is provided and is used to resolve apparent discrepancies between two interpretations of an event.
E. Two historical events are analyzed, and a commonly accepted interpretation of them is disputed.
A. Two views are contrasted, reasons for and against each are summarized, and one of the two views is affirmed.
B. An observation is cited, specific historical examples are discussed, and a later development supporting the observation is alluded to.
C. A hypothesis is advanced, confirming evidence is supplied, and a weakness in the hypothesis is examined and dismissed.
D. A chronology is provided and is used to resolve apparent discrepancies between two interpretations of an event.
E. Two historical events are analyzed, and a commonly accepted interpretation of them is disputed.
4. According to the passage, an essential difference between the experience of the Hawaiian labor force prior to the Second World War and that of slaves in the pre—Civil War South resulted from the fact that Hawaiian laborers
A. were employed in the harvesting of an export crop
B. had more direct access to political power
C. were able to successfully establish independent residential villages
D. were employed in industry as well as in agriculture
E. had some degree of choice in leaving their homelands
A. were employed in the harvesting of an export crop
B. had more direct access to political power
C. were able to successfully establish independent residential villages
D. were employed in industry as well as in agriculture
E. had some degree of choice in leaving their homelands
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lavanya.18
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Can someone explain question 3?
