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Because it impinges upon so much from bilingual education,
[#permalink]
02 Jul 2011, 10:07
1
Kudos
Because it impinges upon so much—from bilingual education, political correctness, and Afro-centred curricula, to affirmative action and feminism—the current discussion on multiculturalism is essential to understanding Western academic culture today. Charles Taylor‘s account of the development of multiculturalism out of classical liberalism traces it through changing conceptions of what he terms "the politics of recognition."
Deft as his historical account may be, any analysis of the motivations for multiculturalism solely in terms of ―recognition‖ must remain fundamentally incomplete. In his analysis are two central demands for recognition underlying classical liberal thought: the demand for the equal recognition of human dignity, and for recognition and respect of all human beings as independent, self-defining individuals. Multiculturalism, according to Taylor, rejects both of these ideals and their political application in an official ―difference-blind‖ law (which focuses on what is the same in us all). Instead, it embraces laws and public institutions that recognize and even foster particularity—that cater to the well-being of specific groups. These two modes of politics, then, both having come to be based on the notion of equal respect, come into conflict.
Taylor acknowledges that it can be viewed as a betrayal of the liberal ideal of equality when the multiculturalist calls for a recognition of difference rather than similarity, and seeks special treatment for certain groups—such as aboriginal hunting privileges or the "distinct society" of Quebec. However, he plausibly argues that to recognize only sameness is to fail to recognize much that is necessary for real ―recognition‖, since we are all cultured individuals with personal histories and community ties. Still, Taylor does not stray far from classical liberalism, insisting that multiculturalism be able to ―offer adequate safeguards for fundamental rights.‖
The more extreme forms of multiculturalism, which Taylor disavows, commit the crucial error of reducing all ethical and normative standards to mere instruments of power, because in doing so any distinctly moral arguments for these positions become absurd. Though Taylor seems correct to reject this diminution, he‘s wrong to think that the ―recognition‖ model alone can sufficiently account for the demands made by various minority groups for both the promotion of discrete cultural identities and the transformation of the dominant culture. For what many in these groups desire is much more than mere recognition or approval: it is the power to more effectively and independently control their own destinies.
It‘s even become common to disdain the respect or solidarity professed by those in the dominant group in an attempt to consolidate separate cultural identities. How Taylor misses this fact is not clear, since even his favourite example of Quebec's distinct society presents a case in which the primary function of the demand for recognition is to acquire the power necessary for those within to maintain, promote and even enforce their way of life. Taylor understands that the Quebeçois want more than to merely preserve their culture, or to have others appreciate it. They also want to create a dynamic, autonomous society in which future generations will participate as part of a common project. Unfortunately, he does not consider how this fact undercuts the notion of ―recognition‖ as an adequate lens through which to view their project.
1. The author‘s primary purpose in the passage is to: A. criticize Taylor‘s definition of liberalism. B. define the concept of multiculturalism. C. defend an account of the historical development of multiculturalism. D. assess the adequacy of a thesis about the nature of multiculturalism. E. praise Taylor‘s definition of multiculturalism
2. The author‘s two references to the ―distinct society‖ of Quebec are primarily intended to: I. give an example of a multiculturalist demand. II. give an example for which Taylor‘s analysis is inadequate. III. give an example of a group for which special treatment is sought. A. I only B. III only C. I and II only D. I, II, and III E. None of the above
3. Which of the following can most reasonably be inferred from the passage about the author‘s attitude toward the two classical liberal ideals of equality mentioned in the passage? A. They are adequate for most contexts in which recognition is demanded. B. They do not safeguard fundamental rights for individuals in aboriginal groups. C. They reflect a disguised attempt by a privileged group to maintain its power over other groups. D. They reflect an impoverished conception of the individual person. E. They are vital for the survival of democracy in a country
4. In the context of the passage as whole, the statements made in paragraph 3 can best be characterized as which of the following? A. A criticism of an argument is raised, and then shown to be superficial. B. A weakness in an argument is revealed, and then developed. C. An opinion is related, and then a subsequent position is stated. D. A cultural trend is outlined, and then a defense of that trend is given. E. A cultural trend is defined and then criticised severely
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Re: Because it impinges upon so much from bilingual education,
[#permalink]
03 Jul 2011, 10:55
No responses yet.. yes passage is too big.. but the language will match closely with what you may see in the exam ( per comments from some of our GMATClub memebers )... itz worth trying and discussing...
sridharD wrote:
Because it impinges upon so much—from bilingual education, political correctness, and Afro-centred curricula, to affirmative action and feminism—the current discussion on multiculturalism is essential to understanding Western academic culture today. Charles Taylor‘s account of the development of multiculturalism out of classical liberalism traces it through changing conceptions of what he terms "the politics of recognition."
Deft as his historical account may be, any analysis of the motivations for multiculturalism solely in terms of ―recognition‖ must remain fundamentally incomplete. In his analysis are two central demands for recognition underlying classical liberal thought: the demand for the equal recognition of human dignity, and for recognition and respect of all human beings as independent, self-defining individuals. Multiculturalism, according to Taylor, rejects both of these ideals and their political application in an official ―difference-blind‖ law (which focuses on what is the same in us all). Instead, it embraces laws and public institutions that recognize and even foster particularity—that cater to the well-being of specific groups. These two modes of politics, then, both having come to be based on the notion of equal respect, come into conflict.
Taylor acknowledges that it can be viewed as a betrayal of the liberal ideal of equality when the multiculturalist calls for a recognition of difference rather than similarity, and seeks special treatment for certain groups—such as aboriginal hunting privileges or the "distinct society" of Quebec. However, he plausibly argues that to recognize only sameness is to fail to recognize much that is necessary for real ―recognition‖, since we are all cultured individuals with personal histories and community ties. Still, Taylor does not stray far from classical liberalism, insisting that multiculturalism be able to ―offer adequate safeguards for fundamental rights.‖
The more extreme forms of multiculturalism, which Taylor disavows, commit the crucial error of reducing all ethical and normative standards to mere instruments of power, because in doing so any distinctly moral arguments for these positions become absurd. Though Taylor seems correct to reject this diminution, he‘s wrong to think that the ―recognition‖ model alone can sufficiently account for the demands made by various minority groups for both the promotion of discrete cultural identities and the transformation of the dominant culture. For what many in these groups desire is much more than mere recognition or approval: it is the power to more effectively and independently control their own destinies.
It‘s even become common to disdain the respect or solidarity professed by those in the dominant group in an attempt to consolidate separate cultural identities. How Taylor misses this fact is not clear, since even his favourite example of Quebec's distinct society presents a case in which the primary function of the demand for recognition is to acquire the power necessary for those within to maintain, promote and even enforce their way of life. Taylor understands that the Quebeçois want more than to merely preserve their culture, or to have others appreciate it. They also want to create a dynamic, autonomous society in which future generations will participate as part of a common project. Unfortunately, he does not consider how this fact undercuts the notion of ―recognition‖ as an adequate lens through which to view their project.
1. The author‘s primary purpose in the passage is to: A. criticize Taylor‘s definition of liberalism. B. define the concept of multiculturalism. C. defend an account of the historical development of multiculturalism. D. assess the adequacy of a thesis about the nature of multiculturalism. E. praise Taylor‘s definition of multiculturalism
2. The author‘s two references to the ―distinct society‖ of Quebec are primarily intended to: I. give an example of a multiculturalist demand. II. give an example for which Taylor‘s analysis is inadequate. III. give an example of a group for which special treatment is sought. A. I only B. III only C. I and II only D. I, II, and III E. None of the above
3. Which of the following can most reasonably be inferred from the passage about the author‘s attitude toward the two classical liberal ideals of equality mentioned in the passage? A. They are adequate for most contexts in which recognition is demanded. B. They do not safeguard fundamental rights for individuals in aboriginal groups. C. They reflect a disguised attempt by a privileged group to maintain its power over other groups. D. They reflect an impoverished conception of the individual person. E. They are vital for the survival of democracy in a country
4. In the context of the passage as whole, the statements made in paragraph 3 can best be characterized as which of the following? A. A criticism of an argument is raised, and then shown to be superficial. B. A weakness in an argument is revealed, and then developed. C. An opinion is related, and then a subsequent position is stated. D. A cultural trend is outlined, and then a defense of that trend is given. E. A cultural trend is defined and then criticised severely
OAs will be posted after receiving few responses. Please share your reasons to choose the answers...
Still interested in this question? Check out the "Best Topics" block above for a better discussion on this exact question, as well as several more related questions.
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gmatclubot
Re: Because it impinges upon so much from bilingual education, [#permalink]