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Updated on: 22 Nov 2021, 09:22
Originally posted by LordStark on 09 Oct 2018, 18:26.
Last edited by Sajjad1994 on 22 Nov 2021, 09:22, edited 4 times in total.
Last edited by Sajjad1994 on 22 Nov 2021, 09:22, edited 4 times in total.
Updated - Complete topic (804).
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Question 1
B
Be sure to select an answer first to save it in the Error Log before revealing the correct answer (OA)!
Difficulty:
35%
(medium)
Question Stats:
68% (02:59) correct
32%
(02:54) wrong
based on 309
sessions
History
Date
Time
Result
Not Attempted Yet
Question 2
D
Be sure to select an answer first to save it in the Error Log before revealing the correct answer (OA)!
Difficulty:
65%
(hard)
Question Stats:
50% (01:38) correct 50%
(01:33) wrong
based on 402
sessions
History
Date
Time
Result
Not Attempted Yet
Question 3
C
Be sure to select an answer first to save it in the Error Log before revealing the correct answer (OA)!
Difficulty:
65%
(hard)
Question Stats:
47% (01:16) correct 53%
(01:31) wrong
based on 396
sessions
History
Date
Time
Result
Not Attempted Yet
Aristotle RC 99 - Passage 72
The woman-suffrage campaign was indeed as much evangelism—a kind of social gospel—as it was politics. The copious documentation left behind in the wake of the suffragist movement recounts a story of missionary zeal, untiring political tuition, and a commitment to the conception of America as an experiment in civic justice. Underpinning this ideology were strands of American exceptionalism laced with occasional self-righteousness and appeals to female moral superiority revealing suffragists as having an eclectic social philosophy oscillating between the poles of preaching women‘s superior virtues and proclaiming their essential humanity.
Leading suffragists exploited political rhetoric, effectively turning the great American narratives, biblical and civic, stories of new beginnings, brave struggles, repentance and renewal, to their own purposes. Southern suffragists often coupled panegyrics to woman‘s purity with appeals to racial and ethnic prejudices. One leader argued openly in 1903 that "enfranchisement of women would insure immediate and durable white supremacy."
Educated adults of the day—and the suffragists were overwhelmingly drawn from the ranks of the educated—knew their Bunyan, understood that overcoming adversity was a test of character, and even believed that overcoming adversity was the way character was formed. Above all, suffragists saw in the vote a great engine for social change, a way to tap woman‘s greater capacity for human empathy, her status as "the mother of the race." Women, they believed, would vote en bloc, for the good of humanity, and the world would look different forever. Some argued that if the moral power of women could be utilized through the ballot, human suffering would be alleviated; social wrongs would be righted; a new democratic age would begin.
No consensus has been reached on the dimensions of the gender gap, its importance or its potential for affecting the outcome of elections or public policy more generally. Our attention should be focused not so much on whether women will vote or govern differently from men, but rather on why suffrage is so vital to a democratic society. Suffrage is to the individual what sovereignty is to states. Civic emancipation, of which the franchise is the indispensable feature, is the only sure and
certain basis for democratic political life even if it cannot accomplish every good end.
Even more moderate suffragists believed that American women who know history "will always resent the fact that American men chose to enfranchise Negroes fresh from slavery before enfranchising American wives and mothers, and allowed hordes of European immigrants totally unfamiliar with the traditions and ideals of American government to be enfranchised and thus qualified to pass upon the question of the enfranchisement of American women." Suffragists sought to capitalize on this anti-immigrant, anti-black sentiment in order to promote their own ends—a story that has been told, and lamented, by later generations of feminists and historians.
Leading suffragists exploited political rhetoric, effectively turning the great American narratives, biblical and civic, stories of new beginnings, brave struggles, repentance and renewal, to their own purposes. Southern suffragists often coupled panegyrics to woman‘s purity with appeals to racial and ethnic prejudices. One leader argued openly in 1903 that "enfranchisement of women would insure immediate and durable white supremacy."
Educated adults of the day—and the suffragists were overwhelmingly drawn from the ranks of the educated—knew their Bunyan, understood that overcoming adversity was a test of character, and even believed that overcoming adversity was the way character was formed. Above all, suffragists saw in the vote a great engine for social change, a way to tap woman‘s greater capacity for human empathy, her status as "the mother of the race." Women, they believed, would vote en bloc, for the good of humanity, and the world would look different forever. Some argued that if the moral power of women could be utilized through the ballot, human suffering would be alleviated; social wrongs would be righted; a new democratic age would begin.
No consensus has been reached on the dimensions of the gender gap, its importance or its potential for affecting the outcome of elections or public policy more generally. Our attention should be focused not so much on whether women will vote or govern differently from men, but rather on why suffrage is so vital to a democratic society. Suffrage is to the individual what sovereignty is to states. Civic emancipation, of which the franchise is the indispensable feature, is the only sure and
certain basis for democratic political life even if it cannot accomplish every good end.
Even more moderate suffragists believed that American women who know history "will always resent the fact that American men chose to enfranchise Negroes fresh from slavery before enfranchising American wives and mothers, and allowed hordes of European immigrants totally unfamiliar with the traditions and ideals of American government to be enfranchised and thus qualified to pass upon the question of the enfranchisement of American women." Suffragists sought to capitalize on this anti-immigrant, anti-black sentiment in order to promote their own ends—a story that has been told, and lamented, by later generations of feminists and historians.
1. In the context of the passage, political rhetoric, as it is used in the second paragraph, refers to:
A. The guidelines used by political speechwriters.
B. The suffragettes‘ effective presentation of American ideology in order to make political gains.
C. The suffragettes‘ circumlocution of historical facts and ideas in an attempt to confuse voters.
D. The code that successful politicians must follow during an election campaign.
E. the distinct oratory styles of certain politicians
A. The guidelines used by political speechwriters.
B. The suffragettes‘ effective presentation of American ideology in order to make political gains.
C. The suffragettes‘ circumlocution of historical facts and ideas in an attempt to confuse voters.
D. The code that successful politicians must follow during an election campaign.
E. the distinct oratory styles of certain politicians
2. With which of the following statements would the author most likely agree?
A. Suffragette exploitation of American ideology was a severe violation of moral principles.
B. Due to their lack of education, the suffragettes believed that their prejudice against blacks and immigrants had no similarity to the prejudice they experienced as women.
C. Suffragists were ahead of their time in believing that "women...would vote en bloc...for the good of humanity...."
D. The end result suffragettes achieved, civic emancipation, is essential to maintaining a democratic society.
E. The overall impact of the suffrage movement was undoubtedly negative
3. The passage implies that modern-day feminists and historians would most likely feel that tactics used by suffragists were:
A. valid, yet often hurt minorities such as immigrants and blacks.
B. useless and functioned to prevent women from finally gaining the right to vote.
C. effective, but compromised the integrity of their pursuit of equality.
D. ignorant since the suffragists did not consider other groups.
E. absolutely valid and justified and that they would have done the same
New Project RC Butler 2019 - Practice 2 RC Passages Everyday
Passage # 176, Date : 29-APR-2019
This post is a part of New Project RC Butler 2019. Click here for Details
Passage # 176, Date : 29-APR-2019
This post is a part of New Project RC Butler 2019. Click here for Details
10 Oct 2018, 13:33
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I got A for question 3. can anyone help to explain why the correct answer is C?
In my opinion, to find the right answer we should refer to the last paragraph.
In my opinion, to find the right answer we should refer to the last paragraph.
Quote:
