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13 Aug 2026, 06:46
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Difficulty:
65%
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Question Stats:
58% (02:13) correct
42%
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wrong
based on 199
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Historian: political regimes that routinely censor various forms of expression on the grounds that they undermine public morality inevitably attempt to expand the categories of proscribed expression to include criticisms that these regimes perceive to threaten their power. Accordingly, many totalitarian regimes classify as blasphemous or pornographic those writings that would, if widely influential, reduce public passivity.
Which one of the following is an assumption on which the historian's reasoning depends?
(A) Unless a piece of writing expresses something that is widely believed, it is unlikely to be very popular.
(B) Not all political regimes that routinely censor forms of expression on the grounds that they erode public morality are totalitarian regimes.
(C) A totalitarian regime can perceive loss of public passivity as a threat to its power.
(D) Widespread public passivity is usually needed for a regime to retain political power.
(E) Most writings that totalitarian regimes label blasphemous or pornographic would, if widely influential, reduce public passivity.
Which one of the following is an assumption on which the historian's reasoning depends?
(A) Unless a piece of writing expresses something that is widely believed, it is unlikely to be very popular.
(B) Not all political regimes that routinely censor forms of expression on the grounds that they erode public morality are totalitarian regimes.
(C) A totalitarian regime can perceive loss of public passivity as a threat to its power.
(D) Widespread public passivity is usually needed for a regime to retain political power.
(E) Most writings that totalitarian regimes label blasphemous or pornographic would, if widely influential, reduce public passivity.
13 Aug 2026, 12:00
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Historian: political regimes that routinely censor various forms of expression on the grounds that they undermine public morality inevitably attempt to expand the categories of proscribed expression to include criticisms that these regimes perceive to threaten their power. Accordingly, many totalitarian regimes classify as blasphemous or pornographic those writings that would, if widely influential, reduce public passivity.
Which one of the following is an assumption on which the historian's reasoning depends?
The historian says regimes that censor in the name of public morality will also censor criticism that they see as threatening their power. Then the historian says many totalitarian regimes label certain writings as blasphemous or pornographic when those writings could reduce public passivity. The missing link is that totalitarian regimes can see reduced public passivity as a threat to their power.
(A) Unless a piece of writing expresses something that is widely believed, it is unlikely to be very popular.
This is irrelevant. The argument is not about whether the writings are likely to become popular.
(B) Not all political regimes that routinely censor forms of expression on the grounds that they erode public morality are totalitarian regimes.
This is not required. The argument concerns many totalitarian regimes, not whether all morality-censoring regimes are totalitarian.
(C) A totalitarian regime can perceive loss of public passivity as a threat to its power.
This is correct. The general principle applies to expression that regimes perceive as threatening their power. So, to apply that principle to writings that reduce public passivity, the argument needs the idea that a totalitarian regime can perceive reduced passivity as a threat.
(D) Widespread public passivity is usually needed for a regime to retain political power.
This is too strong. The argument depends on what the regime perceives as threatening, not on whether public passivity is actually necessary for retaining power.
(E) Most writings that totalitarian regimes label blasphemous or pornographic would, if widely influential, reduce public passivity.
This is not required. The argument says many regimes classify such writings this way; it does not need to claim that most writings so labeled have this effect.
Answer: (C)
Which one of the following is an assumption on which the historian's reasoning depends?
The historian says regimes that censor in the name of public morality will also censor criticism that they see as threatening their power. Then the historian says many totalitarian regimes label certain writings as blasphemous or pornographic when those writings could reduce public passivity. The missing link is that totalitarian regimes can see reduced public passivity as a threat to their power.
(A) Unless a piece of writing expresses something that is widely believed, it is unlikely to be very popular.
This is irrelevant. The argument is not about whether the writings are likely to become popular.
(B) Not all political regimes that routinely censor forms of expression on the grounds that they erode public morality are totalitarian regimes.
This is not required. The argument concerns many totalitarian regimes, not whether all morality-censoring regimes are totalitarian.
(C) A totalitarian regime can perceive loss of public passivity as a threat to its power.
This is correct. The general principle applies to expression that regimes perceive as threatening their power. So, to apply that principle to writings that reduce public passivity, the argument needs the idea that a totalitarian regime can perceive reduced passivity as a threat.
(D) Widespread public passivity is usually needed for a regime to retain political power.
This is too strong. The argument depends on what the regime perceives as threatening, not on whether public passivity is actually necessary for retaining power.
(E) Most writings that totalitarian regimes label blasphemous or pornographic would, if widely influential, reduce public passivity.
This is not required. The argument says many regimes classify such writings this way; it does not need to claim that most writings so labeled have this effect.
Answer: (C)
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