In a recent study, Mario García argues that in the United States

Question

This passage is adapted from a review of a 1991 book.

In a recent study, Mario García argues that in the
United States between 1930 and 1960 the group of
political activists he calls the “Mexican American
Generation” was more radical and politically diverse
  (5)   than earlier historians have recognized. Through
analysis of the work of some of the era’s most
important scholars, García does provide persuasive
evidence that in the 1930s and 1940s these activists
anticipated many of the reforms proposed by the more
  (10)   militant Chicanos of the 1960s and 1970s. His study,
however, suffers from two flaws.

First, García’s analysis of the evidence he
provides to demonstrate the Mexican American
Generation’s political diversity is not entirely
  (15)   consistent. Indeed, he undermines his primary thesis
by emphasizing an underlying consensus among
various groups that tends to conceal the full
significance of their differences. Groups such as the
League of United Latin American Citizens, an
  (20)   organization that encouraged Mexican Americans to
pursue a civil rights strategy of assimilation into the
United States political and cultural mainstream, were
often diametrically opposed to organizations such as
the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People, a coalition
  (25)   group that advocated bilingual education and equal
rights for resident aliens in the United States. García
acknowledges these differences but dismisses them as
insignificant, given that the goals of groups as
disparate as these centered on liberal reform, not
  (30)   revolution. But one need only note the fierce
controversies that occurred during the period over
United States immigration policies and the question of
assimilation versus cultural maintenance to recognize
that Mexican American political history since 1930
  (35)   has been characterized not by consensus but by
intense and lively debate.

Second, García may be exaggerating the degree to
which the views of these activists were representative
of the ethnic Mexican population residing in the
  (40)   United States during this period. Noting that by 1930
the proportion of the Mexican American population
that had been born in the United States had
significantly increased, García argues that between
1930 and 1960 a new generation of Mexican American
  (45)   leaders appeared, one that was more acculturated and
hence more politically active than its predecessor.
Influenced by their experience of discrimination and
by the inclusive rhetoric of World War II slogans,
these leaders, according to García, were determined to
  (50)   achieve full civil rights for all United States residents
of Mexican descent. However, it is not clear how far
this outlook extended beyond these activists. Without
a better understanding of the political implications of
important variables such as patterns of bilingualism
  (55)   and rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization,
and the variations in ethnic consciousness these
variables help to create, one cannot assume that an
increase in the proportion of Mexican Americans born
in the United States necessarily resulted in an increase
  (60)   in the ethnic Mexican population’s political activism.    1 
 1. According to the passage, the League of United Latin American Citizens differed from the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People in that the League of United Latin American Citizens

(A) sought the political goals most popular with other United States citizens
(B) fought for equal rights for resident aliens in the United States
(C) favored a more liberal United States immigration policy
(D) encouraged Mexican Americans to speak Spanish rather than English
(E) encouraged Mexican Americans to adopt the culture of the United States

2 
 2. It can be inferred from the passage that García would most probably agree with which one of the following statements about the Mexican American political activists of the 1930s and 1940s?

(A) Some of their concerns were similar to those of the Mexican American activists of the 1960s and 1970s.
(B) They were more politically diverse than the Mexican American activists of the 1960s and 1970s.
(C) They were as militant as the Mexican American activists of the 1960s and 1970s.
(D) Most of them advocated bilingual education and equal rights for resident aliens in the United States.
(E) Most of them were more interested in revolution than in liberal reform.

3 
 3. The passage suggests that García assumes which one of the following to have been true of Mexican Americans between 1930 and 1960?

(A) Increased ethnic consciousness among Mexican Americans accounted for an increase in political activity among them.
(B) Increased familiarity among Mexican Americans with United States culture accounted for an increase in political activity among them.
(C) The assimilation of many Mexican Americans into United States culture accounted for Mexican Americans’ lack of interest in political activity.
(D) Many Mexican Americans were moved to political militancy as a means of achieving full civil rights for all United States residents of Mexican descent.
(E) Many Mexican Americans were moved to political protest by their experience of discrimination and the patronizing rhetoric of World War II slogans.

4 
 4. It can be inferred that the author of the passage believes which one of the following about the Mexican American political activists of the 1930s and 1940s?

(A) Their common goal of liberal reform made them less militant than the Mexican American activists of the 1960s and 1970s.
(B) Their common goal of liberal reform did not outweigh their political differences.
(C) Their common goal of liberal reform helped them reach a consensus in spite of their political differences.
(D) They were more or less evenly divided between those favoring assimilation and those favoring cultural maintenance.
(E) They did not succeed in fully achieving their political goals because of their disparate political views.

5 
 5. The author of the passage expresses uncertainty with regard to which one of the following?

(A) whether or not one can assume that the increase in the number of Mexican Americans born in the United States led to an increase in Mexican American political activism
(B) whether or not historians preceding García were correct in their assumptions about Mexican Americans who were politically active between 1930 and 1960
(C) whether or not there was general consensus among Mexican American political activists between 1930 and 1960
(D) the extent to which the views of Mexican American activists were shared by the ethnic Mexican population in the United States
(E) the nature of the relationship between the League of United Latin American Citizens and the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People

6 
 6. The passage supports which one of the following statements about ethnic consciousness among Mexican Americans?

(A) Ethnic consciousness increases when rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization increase.
(B) Ethnic consciousness increases when the number of Mexican Americans born in the United States increases.
(C) Ethnic consciousness decreases when the number of Mexican Americans assimilating into the culture of the United States increases.
(D) Variations in the influence of Mexican American leaders over the Mexican American population at large account in part for variations in ethnic consciousness.
(E) Variations in rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization account in part for variations in ethnic consciousness.

desertEagle · Answer

4. It can be inferred that the author of the passage believes which one of the following about the Mexican American political activists of the 1930s and 1940s?

(A) Their common goal of liberal reform made them less militant than the Mexican American activists of the 1960s and 1970s.
(B) Their common goal of liberal reform did not outweigh their political differences.
(C) Their common goal of liberal reform helped them reach a consensus in spite of their political differences.
(D) They were more or less evenly divided between those favoring assimilation and those favoring cultural maintenance.
(E) They did not succeed in fully achieving their political goals because of their disparate political views.

(30) revolution. But one need only note the fierce
controversies that occurred during the period over
United States immigration policies and the question of
assimilation versus cultural maintenance to recognize
that Mexican American political history since 1930
(35) has been characterized not by consensus but by
intense and lively debate.

Ans B

desertEagle · Answer

5. The author of the passage expresses uncertainty with regard to which one of the following?

(A) whether or not one can assume that the increase in the number of Mexican Americans born in the United States led to an increase in Mexican American political activism
(B) whether or not historians preceding García were correct in their assumptions about Mexican Americans who were politically active between 1930 and 1960
(C) whether or not there was general consensus among Mexican American political activists between 1930 and 1960
(D) the extent to which the views of Mexican American activists were shared by the ethnic Mexican population in the United States
(E) the nature of the relationship between the League of United Latin American Citizens and the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People

(50) achieve full civil rights for all United States residents
of Mexican descent. However, it is not clear how far
this outlook extended beyond these activists.

Ans D

Sajjad1994 · Answer

Explanation

2. It can be inferred from the passage that García would most probably agree with which one of the following statements about the Mexican American political activists of the 1930s and 1940s?

Explanation

The question is asking for a statement about Garcia regarding the Mexican American political activists of the 1930s and 1940s that is best supported by the evidence within the passage text.

A.  Yes.   In the first paragraph, the passage states that Garcia gives persuasive evidence that activists of the 1930s and 1940s anticipated the reforms of the 1960s and 1970s.

B. No.  The passage states that Garcia argues that earlier activists were more diverse than historians thought and does not compare the diversity of later activists.

C. No.  The passage states that Garcia argues that the activists of the 1960s and 1970s were more militant.

D. No.  This answer choice is extreme and unsupported. The passage does not discuss the proportion of activists who advocated bilingual education and equal rights.

E. No.  This answer choice is extreme and unsupported. The second paragraph discusses that activist groups were centered on liberal reform, not revolution.

Answer: A

Sajjad1994 · Answer

Explanation

3. The passage suggests that García assumes which one of the following to have been true of Mexican Americans between 1930 and 1960?

Explanation

The question is asking for a statement about Garcia’s view of Mexican Americans between 1930 and 1960 that is best supported by the evidence within the passage text.

A. No.  In the third paragraph, the passage explicitly states that Garcia argued that the generation between 1930 and 1960 was more acculturated (assimilated to the dominant culture).

B.  Yes.   In the third paragraph, the passage explicitly states that Garcia argued that the generation between 1930 and 1960 was more acculturated (assimilated to the dominant culture) and hence more politically active.

C. No.  In the third paragraph, the passage explicitly states that Garcia argued that the assimilation was a cause of increased political activity.

D. No.  In the second paragraph, the passage discusses that politically active groups were focused on reform, not revolution.

E. No.  This answer choice is extreme and unsupported. In the third paragraph, the passage explicitly states that the rhetoric of World War II was inclusive.

Answer: B

Sajjad1994 · Answer

Explanation

4. It can be inferred that the author of the passage believes which one of the following about the Mexican American political activists of the 1930s and 1940s?

Explanation

The question is asking for a statement about the author’s view of Mexican American activists between 1930 and 1960 that is best supported by the evidence within the passage text.

A. No.  While the passage mentions that the activists of the 1930s and 1940s were less militant than the Chicanos of the 1960s and 1970s, there is no support for the idea that this is because of a common goal.

B.  Yes.   In the second paragraph, the author argues that the groups were often diametrically opposed, yet their goals centered on liberal reform.

C. No.  There is no support for the claim that the groups reached a consensus.

D. No.  The passage does not discuss any relative numbers of those favoring assimilation versus cultural maintenance.

E. No.  The passage does not discuss whether the activists’ goals were achieved.

Answer: B

Sajjad1994 · Answer

Explanation

5. The author of the passage expresses uncertainty with regard to which one of the following?

Explanation

The correct answer will be the statement that is best supported by evidence within the passage text. Look for language that explicitly indicated uncertainty.

A. No.  In the third paragraph, the author asserts that we cannot make such an assumption.

B. No.  The author does not discuss any assumptions of earlier historians.

C. No.  In the second paragraph, the author states that Mexican American activism in that period was characterized by intense and lively debate rather than consensus.

D.  Yes.   In the third paragraph, the author states that it is  “not clear”  how far the politically active outlook extended beyond activists.

E. No.  In the second paragraph, the author states that these two organizations were often diametrically opposed to one another.

Answer: D

In a recent study, Mario García argues that in the United States

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In a recent study, Mario García argues that in the United States

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