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03 Mar 2011, 07:06
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Guys, it will be awesome if you can critique the lines in the blue - just as you will draw a conclusion from a CR. This passage is dense......I will like to align my thoughts with yours. Pardon me for a long question. Btw I have posted this previously and no one answered. Please take a look.
The first and most important rule of legitimate or popular
government, that is to say, of government whose object is the
good of the people, is therefore, as I have observed, to follow
in everything the general will. But to follow this will it is
5 necessary to know it, and above all to distinguish it from the
particular will, beginning with one's self: this distinction is
always very difficult to make, and only the most sublime virtue
can afford sufficient illumination for it. As, in order to will,
it is necessary to be free, a difficulty no less great than the
10 former arises ? that of preserving at once the public liberty
and the authority of government. Look into the motives which have
induced men, once united by their common needs in a general
society, to unite themselves still more intimately by means of
civil societies: you will find no other motive than that of
15 assuring the property, life and liberty of each member by the
protection of all. But can men be forced to defend the liberty
of any one among them, without trespassing on that of others?
And how can they provide for the public needs, without alienating
the individual property of those who are forced to contribute to
20 them? With whatever sophistry all this may be covered over, it is
certain that if any constraint can be laid on my will, I am no
longer free, and that I am no longer master of my own property,
if any one else can lay a hand on it. This difficulty, which would
have seemed insurmountable, has been removed, like the first, by
25 the most sublime of all human institutions, or rather by a divine
inspiration, which teaches mankind to imitate here below the
unchangeable decrees of the Deity. By what inconceivable art has a
means been found of making men free by making them subject; of
using in the service of the State the properties, the persons and
30 even the lives of all its members, without constraining and without
consulting them; of confining their will by their own admission; of
overcoming their refusal by that consent, and forcing them to punish
themselves, when they act against their own will? How can it be that
all should obey, yet nobody take upon him to command, and that all
35 should serve, and yet have no masters, but be the more free, as, in
apparent subjection, each loses no part of his liberty but what might
be hurtful to that of another? These wonders are the work of law. It
is to law alone that men owe justice and liberty. It is this salutary
organ of the will of all which establishes, in civil right, the
40 natural equality between men. It is this celestial voice which
dictates to each citizen the precepts of public reason, and teaches
him to act according to the rules of his own judgment, and not to
behave inconsistently with himself. It is with this voice alone that
political rulers should speak when they command; for no sooner does
45 one man, setting aside the law, claim to subject another to his
private will, than he departs from the state of civil society, and
confronts him face to face in the pure state of nature, in which
obedience is prescribed solely by necessity.
The first and most important rule of legitimate or popular
government, that is to say, of government whose object is the
good of the people, is therefore, as I have observed, to follow
in everything the general will. But to follow this will it is
5 necessary to know it, and above all to distinguish it from the
particular will, beginning with one's self: this distinction is
always very difficult to make, and only the most sublime virtue
can afford sufficient illumination for it. As, in order to will,
it is necessary to be free, a difficulty no less great than the
10 former arises ? that of preserving at once the public liberty
and the authority of government. Look into the motives which have
induced men, once united by their common needs in a general
society, to unite themselves still more intimately by means of
civil societies: you will find no other motive than that of
15 assuring the property, life and liberty of each member by the
protection of all. But can men be forced to defend the liberty
of any one among them, without trespassing on that of others?
And how can they provide for the public needs, without alienating
the individual property of those who are forced to contribute to
20 them? With whatever sophistry all this may be covered over, it is
certain that if any constraint can be laid on my will, I am no
longer free, and that I am no longer master of my own property,
if any one else can lay a hand on it. This difficulty, which would
have seemed insurmountable, has been removed, like the first, by
25 the most sublime of all human institutions, or rather by a divine
inspiration, which teaches mankind to imitate here below the
unchangeable decrees of the Deity. By what inconceivable art has a
means been found of making men free by making them subject; of
using in the service of the State the properties, the persons and
30 even the lives of all its members, without constraining and without
consulting them; of confining their will by their own admission; of
overcoming their refusal by that consent, and forcing them to punish
themselves, when they act against their own will? How can it be that
all should obey, yet nobody take upon him to command, and that all
35 should serve, and yet have no masters, but be the more free, as, in
apparent subjection, each loses no part of his liberty but what might
be hurtful to that of another? These wonders are the work of law. It
is to law alone that men owe justice and liberty. It is this salutary
organ of the will of all which establishes, in civil right, the
40 natural equality between men. It is this celestial voice which
dictates to each citizen the precepts of public reason, and teaches
him to act according to the rules of his own judgment, and not to
behave inconsistently with himself. It is with this voice alone that
political rulers should speak when they command; for no sooner does
45 one man, setting aside the law, claim to subject another to his
private will, than he departs from the state of civil society, and
confronts him face to face in the pure state of nature, in which
obedience is prescribed solely by necessity.
My paraphrase -
Good govt -follow general will. Free will = lawless hence problematic. Can men be trusted to defend others ? This problem is fixed when man obey law. Law = astounding, surprising since it confines them, yet everyone obey. Law enforces natural equality of men and dictates men to behave consitently. Political leaders should consider law when they command. when someone subjugates the other then victim's obedience is derived from necessity and not natural.
Good govt -follow general will. Free will = lawless hence problematic. Can men be trusted to defend others ? This problem is fixed when man obey law. Law = astounding, surprising since it confines them, yet everyone obey. Law enforces natural equality of men and dictates men to behave consitently. Political leaders should consider law when they command. when someone subjugates the other then victim's obedience is derived from necessity and not natural.
Archived Topic
Hi there,
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04 Mar 2011, 00:56
Kudos
Bookmarks
shundt this be in the RC forum?
Archived Topic
Hi there,
This topic has been closed and archived due to inactivity or violation of community quality standards. No more replies are possible here.
Where to now? Join ongoing discussions on thousands of quality questions in our Critical Reasoning (CR) Forum
Still interested in this question? Check out the "Best Topics" block above for a better discussion on this exact question, as well as several more related questions.
Thank you for understanding, and happy exploring!
