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Since the early 1970’s, historians have begun to devote

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Since the early 1970’s, historians have begun to devote  [#permalink]

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New post 03 Oct 2017, 09:05
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Since the early 1970’s, historians have begun to devote serious attention to the working class in the United States. Yet while we now have studies of working-class communities and culture, we know remarkably little of worklessness. When historians have paid any attention at all to unemployment, they have focused on the Great Depression of the 1930’s. The narrowness of this perspective ignores the pervasive recessions and joblessness of the previous decades, as Alexander Keyssar shows in his recent book. Examining the period 1870-1920, Keyssar concentrates on Massachusetts, where the historical materials are particularly rich, and the findings applicable to other industrial areas.

The unemployment rates that Keyssar calculates appear to be relatively modest, at least by Great Depression standards: during the worst years, in the 1870’s and 1890’s, unemployment was around 15 percent. Yet Keyssar rightly understands that a better way to measure the impact of unemployment is to calculate unemployment frequencies—measuring the percentage of workers who experience any unemployment in the course of a year. Given this perspective, joblessness looms much larger.

Keyssar also scrutinizes unemployment patterns according to skill level, ethnicity, race, age, class, and gender. He finds that rates of joblessness differed primarily according to class: those in middle-class and white-collar occupations were far less likely to be unemployed. Yet the impact of unemployment on a specific class was not always the same. Even when dependent on the same trade, adjoining communities could have dramatically different unemployment rates. Keyssar uses these differential rates to help explain a phenomenon that has puzzled historians—the startlingly high rate of geographical mobility in the nineteenth-century United States. But mobility was not the dominant working-class strategy for coping with unemployment, nor was assistance from private charities or state agencies. Self-help and the help of kin got most workers through jobless spells.

While Keyssar might have spent more time developing the implications of his findings on joblessness for contemporary public policy, his study, in its thorough research and creative use of quantitative and qualitative evidence, is a model of historical analysis.

1. The passage is primarily concerned with

(A) recommending a new course of investigation
(B) summarizing and assessing a study
(C) making distinctions among categories
(D) criticizing the current state of a field
(E) comparing and contrasting two methods for calculating data


2. The passage suggests that before the early 1970’s, which of the following was true of the study by historians of the working class in the United States?

(A) The study was infrequent or superficial, or both.
(B) The study was repeatedly criticized for its allegedly narrow focus.
(C) The study relied more on qualitative than quantitative evidence.
(D) The study focused more on the working-class community than on working-class culture.
(E) The study ignored working-class joblessness during the Great Depression.


3. According to the passage, which of the following is true of Keyssar’s findings concerning unemployment in Massachusetts?

(A) They tend to contradict earlier findings about such unemployment.
(B) They are possible because Massachusetts has the most easily accessible historical records.
(C) They are the first to mention the existence of high rates of geographical mobility in the nineteenth century.
(D) They are relevant to a historical understanding of the nature of unemployment in other states.
(E) They have caused historians to reconsider the role of the working class during the Great Depression.


4. According to the passage, which of the following is true of the unemployment rates mentioned in line 15?

(A) They hovered, on average, around 15 percent during the period 1870-1920.
(B) They give less than a full sense of the impact of unemployment on working-class people.
(C) They overestimate the importance of middle class and white-collar unemployment.
(D) They have been considered by many historians to underestimate the extent of working-class unemployment.
(E) They are more open to question when calculated for years other than those of peak recession.


5. Which of the following statements about the unemployment rate during the Great Depression can be inferred from the passage?

(A) It was sometimes higher than 15 percent.
(B) It has been analyzed seriously only since the early 1970’s.
(C) It can be calculated more easily than can unemployment frequency.
(D) It was never as high as the rate during the 1870’s.
(E) It has been shown by Keyssar to be lower than previously thought.


6. According to the passage, Keyssar considers which of the following to be among the important predictors of the likelihood that a particular person would be unemployed in late nineteenth-century Massachusetts?

I. The person’s class
II. Where the person lived or worked
III. The person’s age

(A) I only
(B) II only
(C) I and II only
(D) I and III only
(E) I, II, and III


7. The author views Keyssar’s study with

(A) impatient disapproval
(B) wary concern
(C) polite skepticism
(D) scrupulous neutrality
(E) qualified admiration


8. Which of the following, if true, would most strongly support Keyssar’s findings as they are described by the author?

(A) Boston, Massachusetts, and Quincy, Massachusetts, adjoining communities, had a higher rate of unemployment for working-class people in 1870 than in 1890.

(B) White-collar professionals such as attorneys had as much trouble as day laborers in maintaining a steady level of employment throughout the period 1870-1920.

(C) Working-class women living in Cambridge, Massachusetts, were more likely than working-class men living in Cambridge to be unemployed for some period of time during the year 1873.

(D) In the 1890’s, shoe-factory workers moved away in large numbers from Chelmsford, Massachusetts, where shoe factories were being replaced by other industries, to adjoining West Chelmsford, where the shoe industry flourished.

(E) In the late nineteenth century, workers of all classes in Massachusetts were more likely than workers of all classes in other states to move their place of residence from one location to another within the state.


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New post 03 Oct 2017, 11:43
Which of the following, if true, would most strongly support Keyssar’s findings as they are described by the author?
(A) Boston, Massachusetts, and Quincy, Massachusetts, adjoining communities, had a higher rate of unemployment for working-class people in 1870 than in 1890.

(B) White-collar professionals such as attorneys had as much trouble as day laborers in maintaining a steady level of employment throughout the period 1870-1920.

(C) Working-class women living in Cambridge, Massachusetts, were more likely than working-class men living in Cambridge to be unemployed for some period of time during the year 1873.

(D) In the 1890’s, shoe-factory workers moved away in large numbers from Chelmsford, Massachusetts, where shoe factories were being replaced by other industries, to adjoining West Chelmsford, where the shoe industry flourished.

(E) In the late nineteenth century, workers of all classes in Massachusetts were more likely than workers of all classes in other states to move their place of residence from one location to another within the state.

Can anyone please explain the reasoning for D
I down to D and E .
I understand that there was a high geographical mobility in US .
I am not able to choose between D and E ?

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New post 03 Oct 2017, 18:21
1
arvind910619 wrote:
Which of the following, if true, would most strongly support Keyssar’s findings as they are described by the author?
(A) Boston, Massachusetts, and Quincy, Massachusetts, adjoining communities, had a higher rate of unemployment for working-class people in 1870 than in 1890.

(B) White-collar professionals such as attorneys had as much trouble as day laborers in maintaining a steady level of employment throughout the period 1870-1920.

(C) Working-class women living in Cambridge, Massachusetts, were more likely than working-class men living in Cambridge to be unemployed for some period of time during the year 1873.

(D) In the 1890’s, shoe-factory workers moved away in large numbers from Chelmsford, Massachusetts, where shoe factories were being replaced by other industries, to adjoining West Chelmsford, where the shoe industry flourished.

(E) In the late nineteenth century, workers of all classes in Massachusetts were more likely than workers of all classes in other states to move their place of residence from one location to another within the state.

Can anyone please explain the reasoning for D
I down to D and E .
I understand that there was a high geographical mobility in US .
I am not able to choose between D and E ?


Hi,

The problem in E is "workers of all classes". The study emphasized that "rates of joblessness differed primarily according to class". This choice seems to weaken the study.

Also, Keyssar studied data in Massachusetts, not in other states. E is a trick.

I find out that this passage has so many tricky questions.
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New post 07 Oct 2017, 07:45
3 out 8.
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New post 09 Oct 2017, 06:18
arvind910619 wrote:
Which of the following, if true, would most strongly support Keyssar’s findings as they are described by the author?
(A) Boston, Massachusetts, and Quincy, Massachusetts, adjoining communities, had a higher rate of unemployment for working-class people in 1870 than in 1890.

(B) White-collar professionals such as attorneys had as much trouble as day laborers in maintaining a steady level of employment throughout the period 1870-1920.

(C) Working-class women living in Cambridge, Massachusetts, were more likely than working-class men living in Cambridge to be unemployed for some period of time during the year 1873.

(D) In the 1890’s, shoe-factory workers moved away in large numbers from Chelmsford, Massachusetts, where shoe factories were being replaced by other industries, to adjoining West Chelmsford, where the shoe industry flourished.

(E) In the late nineteenth century, workers of all classes in Massachusetts were more likely than workers of all classes in other states to move their place of residence from one location to another within the state.

Can anyone please explain the reasoning for D
I down to D and E .
I understand that there was a high geographical mobility in US .
I am not able to choose between D and E ?


The passage mentions
"Even when dependent on the same trade, adjoining communities could have dramatically different unemployment rates."

The answer option D mentions the same trade (shoe factory) and also mentions Chelmsford and W Chelmsford as adjoining communities. if this is true then workers from the same trade did move then it supports the view of the author.
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New post 11 Oct 2017, 05:21
1
broall wrote:
Since the early 1970’s, historians have begun to devote serious attention to the working class in the United States. Yet while we now have studies of working-class communities and culture, we know remarkably little of worklessness. When historians have paid any attention at all to unemployment, they have focused on the Great Depression of the 1930’s. The narrowness of this perspective ignores the pervasive recessions and joblessness of the previous decades, as Alexander Keyssar shows in his recent book. Examining the period 1870-1920, Keyssar concentrates on Massachusetts, where the historical materials are particularly rich, and the findings applicable to other industrial areas.

The unemployment rates that Keyssar calculates appear to be relatively modest, at least by Great Depression standards: during the worst years, in the 1870’s and 1890’s, unemployment was around 15 percent. Yet Keyssar rightly understands that a better way to measure the impact of unemployment is to calculate unemployment frequencies—measuring the percentage of workers who experience any unemployment in the course of a year. Given this perspective, joblessness looms much larger.

Keyssar also scrutinizes unemployment patterns according to skill level, ethnicity, race, age, class, and gender. He finds that rates of joblessness differed primarily according to class: those in middle-class and white-collar occupations were far less likely to be unemployed. Yet the impact of unemployment on a specific class was not always the same. Even when dependent on the same trade, adjoining communities could have dramatically different unemployment rates. Keyssar uses these differential rates to help explain a phenomenon that has puzzled historians—the startlingly high rate of geographical mobility in the nineteenth-century United States. But mobility was not the dominant working-class strategy for coping with unemployment, nor was assistance from private charities or state agencies. Self-help and the help of kin got most workers through jobless spells.

While Keyssar might have spent more time developing the implications of his findings on joblessness for contemporary public policy, his study, in its thorough research and creative use of quantitative and qualitative evidence, is a model of historical analysis.
1. The passage is primarily concerned with

(A) recommending a new course of investigation
(B) summarizing and assessing a study
(C) making distinctions among categories
(D) criticizing the current state of a field
(E) comparing and contrasting two methods for calculating data


2. The passage suggests that before the early 1970’s, which of the following was true of the study by historians of the working class in the United States?

(A) The study was infrequent or superficial, or both.
(B) The study was repeatedly criticized for its allegedly narrow focus.
(C) The study relied more on qualitative than quantitative evidence.
(D) The study focused more on the working-class community than on working-class culture.
(E) The study ignored working-class joblessness during the Great Depression.


3. According to the passage, which of the following is true of Keyssar’s findings concerning unemployment in Massachusetts?

(A) They tend to contradict earlier findings about such unemployment.
(B) They are possible because Massachusetts has the most easily accessible historical records.
(C) They are the first to mention the existence of high rates of geographical mobility in the nineteenth century.
(D) They are relevant to a historical understanding of the nature of unemployment in other states.
(E) They have caused historians to reconsider the role of the working class during the Great Depression.


4. According to the passage, which of the following is true of the unemployment rates mentioned in line 15?

(A) They hovered, on average, around 15 percent during the period 1870-1920.
(B) They give less than a full sense of the impact of unemployment on working-class people.
(C) They overestimate the importance of middle class and white-collar unemployment.
(D) They have been considered by many historians to underestimate the extent of working-class unemployment.
(E) They are more open to question when calculated for years other than those of peak recession.


5. Which of the following statements about the unemployment rate during the Great Depression can be inferred from the passage?

(A) It was sometimes higher than 15 percent.
(B) It has been analyzed seriously only since the early 1970’s.
(C) It can be calculated more easily than can unemployment frequency.
(D) It was never as high as the rate during the 1870’s.
(E) It has been shown by Keyssar to be lower than previously thought.


6. According to the passage, Keyssar considers which of the following to be among the important predictors of the likelihood that a particular person would be unemployed in late nineteenth-century Massachusetts?

I. The person’s class
II. Where the person lived or worked
III. The person’s age

(A) I only
(B) II only
(C) I and II only
(D) I and III only
(E) I, II, and III


7. The author views Keyssar’s study with

(A) impatient disapproval
(B) wary concern
(C) polite skepticism
(D) scrupulous neutrality
(E) qualified admiration


8. Which of the following, if true, would most strongly support Keyssar’s findings as they are described by the author?

(A) Boston, Massachusetts, and Quincy, Massachusetts, adjoining communities, had a higher rate of unemployment for working-class people in 1870 than in 1890.

(B) White-collar professionals such as attorneys had as much trouble as day laborers in maintaining a steady level of employment throughout the period 1870-1920.

(C) Working-class women living in Cambridge, Massachusetts, were more likely than working-class men living in Cambridge to be unemployed for some period of time during the year 1873.

(D) In the 1890’s, shoe-factory workers moved away in large numbers from Chelmsford, Massachusetts, where shoe factories were being replaced by other industries, to adjoining West Chelmsford, where the shoe industry flourished.

(E) In the late nineteenth century, workers of all classes in Massachusetts were more likely than workers of all classes in other states to move their place of residence from one location to another within the state.



Hi,

Request experts to please share his/her insights-

1. How in Q2, the option A is better over B ?

2. In Q6 - Is the answer not option E because the question asks about important factors specifically? Class is visibly an important factor.Regarding the second important factor, am I correct in reasoning 'the place he lived' to the context of geographical mobility discussed?

3. in Q4- how is 'B' better over 'A' ?

GMATNinja - Need your assistance here. Your explanation would be helpful for everyone.

Thanks in advance.
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New post 25 Jan 2019, 12:49
Hi,

Requesting experts to please explain:
1. Q2- Why option B is incorrect?

2. Q4 - Difference between option B and D?

3. Q6 - Why is location included as an important predictor even though it is mentioned in the passage that mobility didn't play a role in providing people with jobs?

4. Q8 - This is a strengthen question, but option D weakens it because according to option D- on moving people found employment.
The passage says - 3rd paragrapg/5th last line - mobility dint help people in finding employment

Thank you :)
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New post 26 Jan 2019, 23:03
SSwami wrote:
Hi,

Requesting experts to please explain:
1. Q2- Why option B is incorrect?

2. Q4 - Difference between option B and D?

3. Q6 - Why is location included as an important predictor even though it is mentioned in the passage that mobility didn't play a role in providing people with jobs?

4. Q8 - This is a strengthen question, but option D weakens it because according to option D- on moving people found employment.
The passage says - 3rd paragrapg/5th last line - mobility dint help people in finding employment

Thank you :)


Q2:
question : 2. The passage suggests that before the early 1970’s, which of the following was true of the study by historians of the working class in the United States?
So the question asks us for BEFORE EARLY 1970's ...but the passage starts with :Since the early 1970’s, historians have begun to devote serious attention to the working class in the United States.

Optiob B deals with the study done SINCE 1970. we do not that the study done beore 1970 was criticized.
your error: did notunderstand question
Q4:
option D has "many" historians ...do we know that MANY THOUGHT SO?? no idea.
your error: did not pay atention to each word of answer choice.

Q6 :
question : According to the passage, Keyssar considers which of the following to be among the important predictors of the likelihood that a particular person would be unemployed in late nineteenth-century Massachusetts?
- we want what KEYSSAR considers not the author. The mobility factor was refuted by the AUTHOR not KEYSSAR. actually actually thinks that mobiity is a factor.
" Keyssar uses these differential rates to help explain a phenomenon that has puzzled historians—the startlingly high rate of geographical mobility in the nineteenth-century United States. - this is KEYSSAR'S point of view: use mobility to expain the phenomenon

"But mobility was not the dominant working-class strategy for coping with unemployment" - author refutes the mobility as an explanation.
Your errr: did not understand question

Q8:
question: Which of the following, if true, would most strongly support Keyssar’s findings as they are described by the author?
We want tp support keyssar's point
K 's point : Keyssar uses these differential rates to help explain a phenomenon that has puzzled historians—the startlingly high rate of geographical mobility in the nineteenth-century United States.
- so keyssar use the mobility point to explain the point. But the author later refutes K's point.
So we have to strengthen the K's mobility point.
and D does that. And D has exactly the right words : same trade : show factory..dfferent communities too.
Your error: DId not understand the question

So toan analysis of your doubts is : its not that your errors are conceptual . The errors you made are more human ones. I sugget you to read and understand the question carefully and see what exactly we want. Before going to the ans choices make sure that you KNOW WHAT YOU WANT.

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New post 27 Jan 2019, 16:52
For q6, author does mention age as a factor that keyssar thinks would be imp in determining joblessness. Why isn't E the correct answer?

Gladiator59 would appreciate your help.

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New post 31 Jan 2019, 23:55
2. The passage suggests that before the early 1970???s, which of the following was true of the study by historians of the working class in the United States?

(A) The study was infrequent or superficial, or both.
(B) The study was repeatedly criticized for its allegedly narrow focus.
(C) The study relied more on qualitative than quantitative evidence.
(D) The study focused more on the working-class community than on working-class culture.
(E) The study ignored working-class joblessness during the Great Depression.

I tried to find an answer for this question, from where can be infer that the studies before the 1970's were superficial in nature or infrequent. We just know that in the 1970's researchers started paying serious attention to the working class. But there is nothing mentioned in the passage to suggest that the studies were infrequent or superficial ?

Please explain.
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New post 01 Feb 2019, 08:05
broall, do you know the source of this question?
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New post 10 Jul 2019, 22:54
1
GMATNinjaTwo wrote:
broall, do you know the source of this question?

3000 series LSAT GRE GMAT (1000 SERIES RC GMAT) .....30th passage ....OLD OG
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New post 11 Jul 2019, 21:51
Hello . Can anyone please tell me what all questions are in 700 level difficulty?
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New post 12 Jul 2019, 03:23
Hi

Excluding Q#1 and 7, all questions are 700-Level.

rsoumya wrote:
Hello . Can anyone please tell me what all questions are in 700 level difficulty?

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New post 12 Jul 2019, 03:34
Excluding Q#1 and 7, all questions are 700-Leve

Thank you very much for your reply
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