In 1963, a three-week-long demonstration for jobs at the construction

Question

In 1963, a three-week-long demonstration for jobs
at the construction site of the Downstate Medical
Center in Brooklyn, New York, became one of the
most significant and widely publicized campaigns of
  (5)   the civil rights movement in the United States. An
interdenominational group made up mostly of locally
based African American ministers, who had remained
politically moderate until then, organized and led
hundreds of people in an aggressive protest. Their
  (10)   efforts relied mainly on the participation and direct
financial support of the ministers’ own congregations
and other congregations throughout Brooklyn. The
goal of this campaign was to build a mass movement
that would force changes in government policies as
  (15)   well as in trade union hiring practices, both of which
they believed excluded African Americans from
construction jobs.

Inspired by the emergence of African American
religious leaders as key figures elsewhere in the civil
  (20)   rights movement, and reasoning that the ministers
would be able to mobilize large numbers of people
from their congregations and network effectively with
other religious leaders throughout the city, the
Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), a national civil
  (25)   rights organization, had decided to ask the ministers
to lead the Downstate campaign. However, by
organizing a civil disobedience campaign, the
ministers were jeopardizing one of the very factors
that had led CORE to seek their involvement: their
  (30)   positions as politically moderate community leaders.
Urban African American ministers and churches had
been working for decades with community and
government organizations to address the social,
political, and economic concerns of their
  (35)   communities, and ministers of African American
congregations in Brooklyn had often acted as
mediators between their communities and the
government. Many of them also worked for major
political parties and ran for political officethemselves.
  (40)   By endorsing and leading the Downstate protest, the
ministers were risking their political careers and their
reputations within their communities for effecting
change through established political channels.
The Downstate campaign ended with an
  (45)   agreement between the ministers and both
government and union officials. This agreement did
not include new legislation or a commitment to a
specific numerical increase in jobs for African
Americans, as the protestors had demanded. But even
  (50)   though some civil rights activists therefore considered
the agreement incomplete, government officials did
pledge to enforce existing antidiscrimination
legislation. Moreover, the Downstate campaign
effectively aroused public concern for the previously
  (55)   neglected problem of discrimination in the
construction industry. It also drew public attention,
which had hitherto focused on the progress of the
civil rights movement primarily in the southern
United States, to the additional need to alleviate
  (60)   discrimination in the North. Finally, throughout the
campaign, the ministers managed to maintain their
moderate political ties. The dual role played by the
ministers—activists who nonetheless continued to
work through established political channels—served
  (65)   as a model for future ministers who sought to initiate
protest actions on behalf of their communities.    1 
 1. It can be reasonably inferred from the passage that the author’s attitude is most favorable toward which one of the following?

(A) the ways in which the Downstate campaign altered the opinions of union leaders
(B) the impact that the Downstate campaign had on the implementation of new antidiscrimination legislation
(C) CORE’s relationship to the demonstrators in the Downstate campaign
(D) the effects that the Downstate campaign had on public awareness
(E) the way in which the leaders of the Downstate campaign negotiated the agreement that ended the campaign

2 
 2. Which one of the following assertions about the results of the Downstate campaign does the author affirm in the passage?

(A) It achieved all of its participants’ goals for changes in union policy but not all of its participants’ goals for government action.
(B) It directly achieved neither all of its participants’ goals for government action nor all of its participants’ goals for changes in union hiring policies.
(C) It achieved all of its participants’ goals for changes in government policies, but did not achieve all of its participants’ goals for union commitment to hiring policies.
(D) It achieved all of its particular goals for government action immediately, but only gradually achieved some of its participants’ desired effects on public opinion.
(E) It eventually achieved all of its participants’ particular goals for both government action and establishment of union hiring policies, but only after extended effort and significant risk.

3 
 3. The primary function of the reference to past activities of ministers and churches (lines 31–38) is to

(A) demonstrate that the tactics used by the leaders of the Downstate campaign evolved naturally out of their previous political
activities
(B) explain why the leaders of the Downstate campaign decided to conduct the protest in the way they did
(C) provide examples of the sorts of civil rights activities that the leaders of CORE had promoted
(D) indicate how the Downstate campaign could have accomplished its goals by means other than those used
(E) underscore the extent to which the Downstate campaign represented a change in approach for its leaders

4 
 4. Which one of the following does the author affirm in he passage?

(A) CORE was one of several civil rights organizations that challenged the hiring practices of the construction industry.
(B) The Downstate campaign relied primarily on CORE and other national civil rights organizations for most of its support.
(C) After the Downstate campaign, concern for discrimination in the construction industry was directed primarily toward the northern United States.
(D) Many ministers of African American congregations in Brooklyn had sought election to political office.
(E) In response to the Downstate campaign, union officials pledged to adopt specific numerical goals for the hiring of African Americans.

5 
 5. The passage most clearly suggests that which one of the following is true of the group of ministers who led the Downstate campaign?

(A) The Downstate campaign did not signal a significant change in their general political and social goals.
(B) After the Downstate campaign, they went on to organize various other similar campaigns.
(C) They had come together for the purpose of addressing problems in the construction industry well before CORE’s involvement in the Downstate campaign.
(D) They were criticized both by CORE and by other concerned organizations for their incomplete success in the Downstate campaign.
(E) Prior to the Downstate campaign, many of them had not been directly involved in civil rights activities.

Source:   LSAT Official PrepTest 47   
 Difficulty Level:   700

RC Butler 2021  -  Practice Two RC Questions Everyday.   
Passage # 318 Date: 23-Aug-2021
 This question is a part of RC Butler 2021 .  Click here for Details

PrachiMaloo · Answer

Can anyone explain questions 2,3,4 and 5?

MG0701 · Answer

Hi can anyone please post the OA for 2, 3 and 5

Sajjad1994 · Answer

Passage Summary

The Topic, the 1963 jobs demonstration at Downstate Medical Center, is covered in three dense paragraphs whose overall Scope is the purpose, composition, and effects of this unusual civil rights campaign. (Those three nouns, indeed, might compose the Roadmap of this social science passage.)

Paragraph 1  explains the dual purpose of the action—to force changes in the policies of both government and trade unions—and highlights the principal role played by moderate African American ministers who, as  paragraph 2  goes on to tell us, were tapped by the national organization CORE for their ability to mobilize their people. The rest of paragraph 2 explains the heavy risks to career and reputation run by the ministers when they engaged in this massive and public act of civil disobedience.

Did the campaign achieve all of its goals? No, says  paragraph 3 : no new laws were passed, and no promise for a specific additional number of construction jobs for African Americans was tendered. But a pledge resulted, and public concern increased; people learned that civil rights problems weren’t restricted to the south; and the ministers were able to retain their moderate reputation. (The passage comes with no Global questions for whatever reason, but if it did, the Main Idea would be something to the effect of  “The Downstate action achieved many admirable goals, but not all of the hoped for ones.” ) A Roadmap to guide us to the right answers to the questions might be as simple as this:

Paragraph 1 —Purpose: protest job exclusion
 Paragraph 2 —Ministers risked careers & reputation
 Paragraph 3 —Effects of the demo

Sajjad1994 · Answer

Explanation

1. It can be reasonably inferred from the passage that the author’s attitude is most favorable toward which one of the following?

Explanation

The author’s tone is pretty even-handed throughout, but it’s in  paragraph 3  that some kind of emotion comes through. There’s regret that the outcome of the campaign was so equivocal  (44–51) , but satisfaction that public awareness and concern increased  (53–60) . That’s  (D).

(A)  Union officials’ opinions go unmentioned, but if their opinion was that the demonstrators should not get a promise of increased minority jobs, the author would certainly disapprove.

(B)  No new legislation followed the demonstration, and the author is hardly cheered by that outcome.

(C)  The author evidences neither approval nor disapproval of the way in which CORE related to the demonstrators; CORE’s only role in the passage was to request the ministers’ leadership, a cause for worry at the time.

(E)  Again, since the author is hardly pleased that the goals of the demonstration weren’t reached, he would not approve of the negotiations that led to a disappointing outcome.

Answer: D

Sajjad1994 · Answer

Explanation

2. Which one of the following assertions about the results of the Downstate campaign does the author affirm in the passage?

Explanation

“Results”  is the Hot Word here, and  paragraph 3  is the Results paragraph, so a quick review of it should make the right answer stand out.  (B)  echoes  lines 46–49  in remarkably similar terms.

(A)  and  (C)  can be knocked out together: each is half right and half wrong. As 46–49 attest, neither new legislation nor union concessions were forthcoming after the demonstrations ended.

(D)  is a 180 twice over: in its first clause (changes in governmental policy did not occur) and its second (the public reaction sounds like it was pretty immediate).

(E)  falls outside the passage’s scope, which concerns only the direct results of the Downstate campaign and not the eventual success or failure, long term, of the broad goals.

Answer: B

Sajjad1994 · Answer

Explanation

3. The primary function of the reference to past activities of ministers and churches (lines 31–38) is to

Explanation

As we have seen, the overall purpose of  paragraph 2  is to explain the risks to which the ministers were exposed when they agreed to lead the Downstate demonstration. Their past activities—characterized by working within the system to achieve accommodation and mediation—are contrasted with the dramatic difference in adopting an  “aggressive” (line 9)  civil disobedience approach, and that’s what correct  choice (E)  describes.

(A)  is a 180, of course, because leading a demonstration was in sharp contrast to the ministers’ previous activities. Therein lay the risks.

(B)  We don’t hear much about the way in which the protest was conducted, except that it was  “aggressive,”  and certainly we’re not told that such aggression can be explained by the earlier within-thesystem activities of the ministers.

(C)  has much the same problem as  (A).  If CORE wanted an aggressive act of civil disobedience—as it seems they did—then they wanted something very different from the ministers’ previous acts of political influence.

(D)  The author never suggests that by abandoning the aggressive Downstate protest in favor of the ministers’ traditional approach, the hiring goals might have been achieved. (Indeed, since a radical approach didn’t accomplish the direct objectives, it’s unlikely that a milder protest would have had any more success.)

Answer: E

Sajjad1994 · Answer

Explanation

4. Which one of the following does the author affirm in he passage?

Explanation

The stem leaves us out on a limb; all we can do is sniff around the choices and confirm any that sound promising against the text.

(A)  CORE is the only organization cited as a challenger to the construction industry. Eliminate.

(B) “Its support”  suggests  paragraph 1 , and there  (B)  is contradicted by  9–12.  The ministers’ local congregations offered the most support, not national organizations. Eliminate.

(C) “After the Downstate campaign”  suggests  paragraph 3 , which is distorted by  (C) . The reference to the North is to the general discrimination there (discrimination which the Downstate campaign highlighted), not a widespread situation in the construction industry in particular. Eliminate.

(D) “Sought election”  hints at the end of  paragraph 2 , and yes indeed,  lines 38–39  directly confirm  (D).  That’s our answer. For the record:

(E)  is the precise union goal that was not achieved,  cf. 46–49.

Answer: D

Sajjad1994 · Answer

Explanation

5. The passage most clearly suggests that which one of the following is true of the group of ministers who led the Downstate campaign?

Explanation

There are so many references to the Brooklyn ministers that scanning for them would demand rereading all 66 lines! Best to read a choice and look for support in the passage if it sounds promising.

(A)  Happily, our search ends early. According to 31–35, the ministers had always worked toward the kinds of  “general political and social goals”  that Downstate represented. It’s not the goals that were different, but the means of achieving them.  (A)  is correct. Let’s explore why the other four are not correct, as useful practice:

(B)  The passage’s last two sentences suggest that instead of organizing more Downstates, the ministers went back to their usual, moderate approaches.

(C)  Though the ministers’ general goals were consistent—as correct choice  (A)  avers—there’s no indication that their interest in the construction trade in particular predated the Downstate action.

(D)  Some activists were critical, according to  49–51 , but they may have been individuals rather than  “concerned organizations.”  And CORE’s reaction, specifically, is never mentioned.

(E)  is a 180. The ministers’ civil rights involvement began many, many years before Downstate. That comes through loud and clear in  paragraph 1.

Answer: A

siddhantvarma · Answer

Summary :

The passage discusses a significant civil rights demonstration in 1963 at the Downstate Medical Center in Brooklyn, New York. Organized primarily by politically moderate African American ministers with the support of their congregations, the campaign aimed to address exclusionary practices in government policies and trade union hiring. Despite the risk to their political careers, the ministers led a vigorous protest that ended with an agreement enforcing existing anti-discrimination laws. The campaign heightened public awareness of discrimination in the construction industry. It showcased the dual role of ministers as both activists and political mediators, serving as a model for future actions.

Passage Breakdown:  
 
  Paragraph 1 : Describes the Downstate Medical Center demonstration led by African American ministers, emphasizing its significance and the role of local congregations in supporting the movement. 
  Paragraph 2 : Explains why CORE involved the ministers, highlighting their potential for mobilizing support and their existing political roles, while noting the risks involved in their participation in civil disobedience. 
  Paragraph 3 : Details the outcome of the campaign, noting the absence of new legislation but the commitment to enforcing anti-discrimination laws. It also discusses the campaign's impact on public awareness and the ministers' continued political moderation.

1. It can be reasonably inferred from the passage that the author’s attitude is most favorable toward which one of the following?

(A) the ways in which the Downstate campaign altered the opinions of union leaders
  Incorrect  . The passage does not detail changes in union leaders' opinions, only that an agreement was reached.

(B) the impact that the Downstate campaign had on the implementation of new antidiscrimination legislation
  Incorrect  . The passage notes that no new antidiscrimination legislation was passed.

(C) CORE’s relationship to the demonstrators in the Downstate campaign
  Incorrect  . While CORE's involvement is discussed, the passage does not express a favorable attitude toward this relationship.

(D) the effects that the Downstate campaign had on public awareness
  Correct  . The passage emphasizes the campaign's success in raising public awareness about discrimination in the construction industry and the North.

(E) the way in which the leaders of the Downstate campaign negotiated the agreement that ended the campaign
  Incorrect  . The negotiation process is mentioned but not highlighted favorably by the author.

2. Which one of the following assertions about the results of the Downstate campaign does the author affirm in the passage?

(A) It achieved all of its participants’ goals for changes in union policy but not all of its participants’ goals for government action.
  Incorrect  . The passage states that not all goals for government action and union policies were met.

(B) It directly achieved neither all of its participants’ goals for government action nor all of its participants’ goals for changes in union hiring policies.
  Correct  . The passage clearly mentions that the campaign did not achieve all of its specific goals but led to the enforcement of existing laws and raised awareness.

(C) It achieved all of its participants’ goals for changes in government policies, but did not achieve all of its participants’ goals for union commitment to hiring policies.
  Incorrect  . The campaign did not achieve all government policy goals.

(D) It achieved all of its particular goals for government action immediately, but only gradually achieved some of its participants’ desired effects on public opinion.
  Incorrect  . Immediate government action was not fully achieved, and the focus on public opinion is emphasized throughout.

(E) It eventually achieved all of its participants’ particular goals for both government action and establishment of union hiring policies, but only after extended effort and significant risk.
  Incorrect  . The passage does not state that all goals were eventually met.

3. The primary function of the reference to past activities of ministers and churches (lines 31–38) is to

(A) demonstrate that the tactics used by the leaders of the Downstate campaign evolved naturally out of their previous political
activities
  Incorrect  . The reference to past activities is not to show natural evolution of tactics.

(B) explain why the leaders of the Downstate campaign decided to conduct the protest in the way they did
  Incorrect  . The past activities do not explain the specific tactics of the protest.

(C) provide examples of the sorts of civil rights activities that the leaders of CORE had promoted
  Incorrect  . The reference is not about CORE's activities.

(D) indicate how the Downstate campaign could have accomplished its goals by means other than those used
  Incorrect  . The past activities are not contrasted with the campaign methods.

(E) underscore the extent to which the Downstate campaign represented a change in approach for its leaders
  Correct  . The reference emphasizes how the Downstate campaign represented a significant shift for the ministers, from political moderation to active protest.

4. Which one of the following does the author affirm in he passage?

(A) CORE was one of several civil rights organizations that challenged the hiring practices of the construction industry.
  Incorrect  . The passage does not indicate that multiple organizations were involved in challenging hiring practices.

(B) The Downstate campaign relied primarily on CORE and other national civil rights organizations for most of its support.
  Incorrect  . The campaign primarily relied on local support, not on CORE or other national organizations.

(C) After the Downstate campaign, concern for discrimination in the construction industry was directed primarily toward the northern United States.
  Incorrect  . The passage mentions that discrimination awareness was raised in the North but does not specify primary concern.

(D) Many ministers of African American congregations in Brooklyn had sought election to political office.
  Correct  . The passage mentions that many Brooklyn ministers ran for political office.

(E) In response to the Downstate campaign, union officials pledged to adopt specific numerical goals for the hiring of African Americans.
  Incorrect  . The agreement did not include specific numerical goals for hiring.

5. The passage most clearly suggests that which one of the following is true of the group of ministers who led the Downstate campaign?

(A) The Downstate campaign did not signal a significant change in their general political and social goals.
  Correct  . The ministers maintained their moderate political roles despite their activism.

(B) After the Downstate campaign, they went on to organize various other similar campaigns.
  Incorrect  . The passage does not mention subsequent campaigns organized by these ministers.

(C) They had come together for the purpose of addressing problems in the construction industry well before CORE’s involvement in the Downstate campaign.
  Incorrect  . The ministers were not involved in addressing construction industry problems prior to CORE's involvement.

(D) They were criticized both by CORE and by other concerned organizations for their incomplete success in the Downstate campaign.
  Incorrect  . The passage does not mention criticism from CORE or other organizations.

(E) Prior to the Downstate campaign, many of them had not been directly involved in civil rights activities.
  Incorrect  . The ministers were politically active but had not led such civil rights demonstrations before the campaign.

In 1963, a three-week-long demonstration for jobs at the construction

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In 1963, a three-week-long demonstration for jobs at the construction

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