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16 May 2012, 21:06
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In mid-February 1917 a
women’s movement independent
of political affiliation erupted in
Line New York City, the stronghold of
(5) the Socialist party in the United
states. Protesting against the high
cost of living, thousands of women
refused to buy chickens, fish, and
vegetables. The boycott shut.
(10) down much of the City’s foodstuffs
marketing for two weeks, riveting
public attention on the issue of
food prices, which had increased
partly as a result of increased
(15) exports of food to Europe that had
been occurring since the outbreak
of the First World War.
By early 1917 the Socialist
party had established itself as a
(20) major political presence in New
York City. New York Socialists,
whose customary spheres of
struggle were electoral work and
trade union organizing, seized the
(25) opportunity and quickly organized
an extensive series of cost-ofliving
protests designed to direct
the women’s movement toward
Socialist goals. Underneath the
(30) Socialists’ brief commitment to
cost-of-living organizing lay a
basic indifference to the issue
itself. While some Socialists did
view price protests as a direct
(35) step toward socialism, most
Socialists ultimately sought to
divert the cost-of-living movement
into alternative channels of protest.
Union organizing, they argued,
(40) was the best method through which
to combat the high cost of living.
For others, cost-of-living or oganizing
was valuable insofar as it led
women into the struggle for suf-
(45) frage, and similarly, the suffrage
struggle was valuable insofar as
it moved United States society
one step closer to socialism.
Although New York’s Social-
(50) ists saw the cost-of-living issue
as, at best ,secondary or tertiary
to the real task at hand, the boycotters,
by sharp contrast, joined
the price protest movement out of
(55) an urgent and deeply felt commitment
to the cost-of-living issue.
A shared experience of swiftly
declining living standards caused
by rising food prices drove these
(60) women to protest. Consumer
organizing spoke directly to their
daily lives and concerns; they
saw cheaper food as a valuable
end in itself. Food price protests
(65) were these women’s way of organizing
at their own workplace, as
workers whose occupation was
shopping and preparing food for
their families.
(Q1)
The author suggests which of the following about
the New York Socialists’ commitment to the costof-
living movement?
A. It lasted for a relatively short period of time.
B. It was stronger than their commitment to the
Suffrage struggle.
C. It predated the cost-of-living protests that
Erupted in 1917.
D. It coincided with their attempts to bring more
Women into union organizing.
E. It explained the popularity of the Socialist
party in New York City.
(Q2)
It can be inferred from the passage that the goal
of the boycotting women was the
A. achievement of an immediate economic
outcome
B. development of a more socialistic society
C. concentration of widespread consumer
protests on the more narrow issue of
food prices
D. development of one among a number of
different approaches that the women
wished to employ in combating the high
cost of living.
E. attraction of more public interest to issues
that the women and the New York Socialists
considered important.
(Q3)
Which of the following best states the function of the
passage as a whole?
A. To contrast the views held by the Socialist party
and by the boycotting women of New York City
on the cost-of-living issue
B. To analyze the assumptions underlying opposing
viewpoints within the New York Socialist
party of 1917
C. To provide a historical perspective on different
approaches to the resolution of the cost-ofliving
issue.
D. To chronicle the sequence of events that led
to the New York Socialist party’s emergence
as a political power
E. To analyze the motivations behind the Socialist
party’s involvement in the women’s suffrage
movement
(Q4)
According to the passage ,most New York
Socialists believed which of the following about
the cost-of-living movement?
A. It was primarily a way to interest women
in joining the Socialist party.
B. It was an expedient that was useful only
insofar as it furthered other goals.
C. It would indirectly result in an increase in
the number of women who belonged to
labor unions.
D. It required a long-term commitment but
Inevitably represented a direct step
Toward socialism.
E. It served as an effective complement to
union organizing
women’s movement independent
of political affiliation erupted in
Line New York City, the stronghold of
(5) the Socialist party in the United
states. Protesting against the high
cost of living, thousands of women
refused to buy chickens, fish, and
vegetables. The boycott shut.
(10) down much of the City’s foodstuffs
marketing for two weeks, riveting
public attention on the issue of
food prices, which had increased
partly as a result of increased
(15) exports of food to Europe that had
been occurring since the outbreak
of the First World War.
By early 1917 the Socialist
party had established itself as a
(20) major political presence in New
York City. New York Socialists,
whose customary spheres of
struggle were electoral work and
trade union organizing, seized the
(25) opportunity and quickly organized
an extensive series of cost-ofliving
protests designed to direct
the women’s movement toward
Socialist goals. Underneath the
(30) Socialists’ brief commitment to
cost-of-living organizing lay a
basic indifference to the issue
itself. While some Socialists did
view price protests as a direct
(35) step toward socialism, most
Socialists ultimately sought to
divert the cost-of-living movement
into alternative channels of protest.
Union organizing, they argued,
(40) was the best method through which
to combat the high cost of living.
For others, cost-of-living or oganizing
was valuable insofar as it led
women into the struggle for suf-
(45) frage, and similarly, the suffrage
struggle was valuable insofar as
it moved United States society
one step closer to socialism.
Although New York’s Social-
(50) ists saw the cost-of-living issue
as, at best ,secondary or tertiary
to the real task at hand, the boycotters,
by sharp contrast, joined
the price protest movement out of
(55) an urgent and deeply felt commitment
to the cost-of-living issue.
A shared experience of swiftly
declining living standards caused
by rising food prices drove these
(60) women to protest. Consumer
organizing spoke directly to their
daily lives and concerns; they
saw cheaper food as a valuable
end in itself. Food price protests
(65) were these women’s way of organizing
at their own workplace, as
workers whose occupation was
shopping and preparing food for
their families.
(Q1)
The author suggests which of the following about
the New York Socialists’ commitment to the costof-
living movement?
A. It lasted for a relatively short period of time.
B. It was stronger than their commitment to the
Suffrage struggle.
C. It predated the cost-of-living protests that
Erupted in 1917.
D. It coincided with their attempts to bring more
Women into union organizing.
E. It explained the popularity of the Socialist
party in New York City.
(Q2)
It can be inferred from the passage that the goal
of the boycotting women was the
A. achievement of an immediate economic
outcome
B. development of a more socialistic society
C. concentration of widespread consumer
protests on the more narrow issue of
food prices
D. development of one among a number of
different approaches that the women
wished to employ in combating the high
cost of living.
E. attraction of more public interest to issues
that the women and the New York Socialists
considered important.
(Q3)
Which of the following best states the function of the
passage as a whole?
A. To contrast the views held by the Socialist party
and by the boycotting women of New York City
on the cost-of-living issue
B. To analyze the assumptions underlying opposing
viewpoints within the New York Socialist
party of 1917
C. To provide a historical perspective on different
approaches to the resolution of the cost-ofliving
issue.
D. To chronicle the sequence of events that led
to the New York Socialist party’s emergence
as a political power
E. To analyze the motivations behind the Socialist
party’s involvement in the women’s suffrage
movement
(Q4)
According to the passage ,most New York
Socialists believed which of the following about
the cost-of-living movement?
A. It was primarily a way to interest women
in joining the Socialist party.
B. It was an expedient that was useful only
insofar as it furthered other goals.
C. It would indirectly result in an increase in
the number of women who belonged to
labor unions.
D. It required a long-term commitment but
Inevitably represented a direct step
Toward socialism.
E. It served as an effective complement to
union organizing
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16 May 2012, 21:18
Kudos
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OA is DCCB.
I doubt the Question 2 and 3.
I picked A for Q2 and A for Q3.
For Q2, increased price of food lowered the standard of living, so the women boycotted, hoping that the price of food would be decreased. In other words, the boycotting women wanted the price of food to be cheaper.
This is my understanding of the passage. It might be wrong.
And I guessed that " an immediate economic outcome" in A could mean the decreased price of food.
(not sure thought)
For Q3, I can't find different approach to resolution of the cost- of- living issue anywhere in the passage.
How come C is OA?
I doubt the Question 2 and 3.
I picked A for Q2 and A for Q3.
For Q2, increased price of food lowered the standard of living, so the women boycotted, hoping that the price of food would be decreased. In other words, the boycotting women wanted the price of food to be cheaper.
This is my understanding of the passage. It might be wrong.
And I guessed that " an immediate economic outcome" in A could mean the decreased price of food.
(not sure thought)
For Q3, I can't find different approach to resolution of the cost- of- living issue anywhere in the passage.
How come C is OA?
roopika2990
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20 Jun 2015, 09:36
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I agree for Q3 the answer should be A.
For Q2, the boycotters,
by sharp contrast, joined
the price protest movement out of
(55) an urgent and deeply felt commitment
to the cost-of-living issue. i.e the food price issue
For Q2, the boycotters,
by sharp contrast, joined
the price protest movement out of
(55) an urgent and deeply felt commitment
to the cost-of-living issue. i.e the food price issue
