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In mid-February 1917 a women s movement independent of
[#permalink]
16 May 2012, 20:06
2
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In mid-February 1917 a women’s movement independent of political affiliation erupted in Line New York City, the stronghold of (5) the Socialist party in the United states. Protesting against the high cost of living, thousands of women refused to buy chickens, fish, and vegetables. The boycott shut. (10) down much of the City’s foodstuffs marketing for two weeks, riveting public attention on the issue of food prices, which had increased partly as a result of increased (15) exports of food to Europe that had been occurring since the outbreak of the First World War. By early 1917 the Socialist party had established itself as a (20) major political presence in New York City. New York Socialists, whose customary spheres of struggle were electoral work and trade union organizing, seized the (25) opportunity and quickly organized an extensive series of cost-ofliving protests designed to direct the women’s movement toward Socialist goals. Underneath the (30) Socialists’ brief commitment to cost-of-living organizing lay a basic indifference to the issue itself. While some Socialists did view price protests as a direct (35) step toward socialism, most Socialists ultimately sought to divert the cost-of-living movement into alternative channels of protest. Union organizing, they argued, (40) was the best method through which to combat the high cost of living. For others, cost-of-living or oganizing was valuable insofar as it led women into the struggle for suf- (45) frage, and similarly, the suffrage struggle was valuable insofar as it moved United States society one step closer to socialism. Although New York’s Social- (50) ists saw the cost-of-living issue as, at best ,secondary or tertiary to the real task at hand, the boycotters, by sharp contrast, joined the price protest movement out of (55) an urgent and deeply felt commitment to the cost-of-living issue. A shared experience of swiftly declining living standards caused by rising food prices drove these (60) women to protest. Consumer organizing spoke directly to their daily lives and concerns; they saw cheaper food as a valuable end in itself. Food price protests (65) were these women’s way of organizing at their own workplace, as workers whose occupation was shopping and preparing food for their families.
(Q1)
The author suggests which of the following about the New York Socialists’ commitment to the costof- living movement? A. It lasted for a relatively short period of time. B. It was stronger than their commitment to the Suffrage struggle. C. It predated the cost-of-living protests that Erupted in 1917. D. It coincided with their attempts to bring more Women into union organizing. E. It explained the popularity of the Socialist party in New York City.
(Q2) It can be inferred from the passage that the goal of the boycotting women was the A. achievement of an immediate economic outcome B. development of a more socialistic society C. concentration of widespread consumer protests on the more narrow issue of food prices D. development of one among a number of different approaches that the women wished to employ in combating the high cost of living. E. attraction of more public interest to issues that the women and the New York Socialists considered important.
(Q3) Which of the following best states the function of the passage as a whole? A. To contrast the views held by the Socialist party and by the boycotting women of New York City on the cost-of-living issue B. To analyze the assumptions underlying opposing viewpoints within the New York Socialist party of 1917 C. To provide a historical perspective on different approaches to the resolution of the cost-ofliving issue. D. To chronicle the sequence of events that led to the New York Socialist party’s emergence as a political power E. To analyze the motivations behind the Socialist party’s involvement in the women’s suffrage movement
(Q4) According to the passage ,most New York Socialists believed which of the following about the cost-of-living movement? A. It was primarily a way to interest women in joining the Socialist party. B. It was an expedient that was useful only insofar as it furthered other goals. C. It would indirectly result in an increase in the number of women who belonged to labor unions. D. It required a long-term commitment but Inevitably represented a direct step Toward socialism. E. It served as an effective complement to union organizing
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Re: In mid-February 1917 a women s movement independent of
[#permalink]
16 May 2012, 20:18
OA is DCCB.
I doubt the Question 2 and 3.
I picked A for Q2 and A for Q3.
For Q2, increased price of food lowered the standard of living, so the women boycotted, hoping that the price of food would be decreased. In other words, the boycotting women wanted the price of food to be cheaper.
This is my understanding of the passage. It might be wrong.
And I guessed that " an immediate economic outcome" in A could mean the decreased price of food. (not sure thought)
For Q3, I can't find different approach to resolution of the cost- of- living issue anywhere in the passage. How come C is OA?
Re: In mid-February 1917 a women s movement independent of
[#permalink]
20 Jun 2015, 08:36
I agree for Q3 the answer should be A.
For Q2, the boycotters, by sharp contrast, joined the price protest movement out of (55) an urgent and deeply felt commitment to the cost-of-living issue. i.e the food price issue
Re: In mid-February 1917 a women s movement independent of
[#permalink]
30 Jun 2015, 09:15
Really awesome passage.
I read twice. My take 6 mins, Got two correct. I agree to the two answer choices that I got wrong.
M opinion Q3 and Q4 are correct.
eybrj2 wrote:
In mid-February 1917 a women’s movement independent of political affiliation erupted in Line New York City, the stronghold of (5) the Socialist party in the United states. Protesting against the high cost of living, thousands of women refused to buy chickens, fish, and vegetables. The boycott shut. (10) down much of the City’s foodstuffs marketing for two weeks, riveting public attention on the issue of food prices, which had increased partly as a result of increased (15) exports of food to Europe that had been occurring since the outbreak of the First World War. By early 1917 the Socialist party had established itself as a (20) major political presence in New York City. New York Socialists, whose customary spheres of struggle were electoral work and trade union organizing, seized the (25) opportunity and quickly organized an extensive series of cost-ofliving protests designed to direct the women’s movement toward Socialist goals. Underneath the (30) Socialists’ brief commitment to cost-of-living organizing lay a basic indifference to the issue itself. While some Socialists did view price protests as a direct (35) step toward socialism, most Socialists ultimately sought to divert the cost-of-living movement into alternative channels of protest. Union organizing, they argued, (40) was the best method through which to combat the high cost of living. For others, cost-of-living or oganizing was valuable insofar as it led women into the struggle for suf- (45) frage, and similarly, the suffrage struggle was valuable insofar as it moved United States society one step closer to socialism. Although New York’s Social- (50) ists saw the cost-of-living issue as, at best ,secondary or tertiary to the real task at hand, the boycotters, by sharp contrast, joined the price protest movement out of (55) an urgent and deeply felt commitment to the cost-of-living issue. A shared experience of swiftly declining living standards caused by rising food prices drove these (60) women to protest. Consumer organizing spoke directly to their daily lives and concerns; they saw cheaper food as a valuable end in itself. Food price protests (65) were these women’s way of organizing at their own workplace, as workers whose occupation was shopping and preparing food for their families.
(Q1)
The author suggests which of the following about the New York Socialists’ commitment to the costof- living movement? A. It lasted for a relatively short period of time. B. It was stronger than their commitment to the Suffrage struggle. C. It predated the cost-of-living protests that Erupted in 1917. D. It coincided with their attempts to bring more Women into union organizing. E. It explained the popularity of the Socialist party in New York City.
(Q2) It can be inferred from the passage that the goal of the boycotting women was the A. achievement of an immediate economic outcome B. development of a more socialistic society C. concentration of widespread consumer protests on the more narrow issue of food prices D. development of one among a number of different approaches that the women wished to employ in combating the high cost of living. E. attraction of more public interest to issues that the women and the New York Socialists considered important.
(Q3) Which of the following best states the function of the passage as a whole? A. To contrast the views held by the Socialist party and by the boycotting women of New York City on the cost-of-living issue B. To analyze the assumptions underlying opposing viewpoints within the New York Socialist party of 1917 C. To provide a historical perspective on different approaches to the resolution of the cost-ofliving issue. D. To chronicle the sequence of events that led to the New York Socialist party’s emergence as a political power E. To analyze the motivations behind the Socialist party’s involvement in the women’s suffrage movement
(Q4) According to the passage ,most New York Socialists believed which of the following about the cost-of-living movement? A. It was primarily a way to interest women in joining the Socialist party. B. It was an expedient that was useful only insofar as it furthered other goals. C. It would indirectly result in an increase in the number of women who belonged to labor unions. D. It required a long-term commitment but Inevitably represented a direct step Toward socialism. E. It served as an effective complement to union organizing
Re: In mid-February 1917 a women s movement independent of
[#permalink]
05 Sep 2016, 18:01
roopika2990 wrote:
I agree for Q3 the answer should be A.[/b]
The author does not contrast views held by the two groups on the cost of living issue, nowhere in the passage does it say that the socialist party had a different view than the women's party on the cost of living issue. Rather, the author describes different approaches used by both parties to get to the same goal. Yes, the Socialist party had other plans in mind, but ultimately, although secondary or tertiary, the socialist party did want to achieve the same goal as the woman's party. Now, did they achieve that goal? We dont know, but is this enough to VOID "C"??
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