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The soaring prices of scholarly and scientific journals have forced academic libraries used only by academic researchers to drastically reduce their list of subscriptions. Some have suggested that in each academic discipline subscription decisions should be determined solely by a journal’s usefulness in that discipline, measured by the frequency with which it is cited in published writings by researchers in the discipline.

Which one of the following, if true, most seriously calls into question the suggestion described above?

(A) The nonacademic readership of a scholarly or scientific journal can be accurately gauged by the number of times articles appearing in it are cited in daily newspapers and popular magazines.

(B) The average length of a journal article in some sciences, such as physics, is less than half the average length of a journal article in some other academic disciplines, such as history.

(C) The increasingly expensive scholarly journals are less and less likely to be available to the general public from nonacademic public libraries.

(D) Researchers often will not cite a journal article that has influenced their work if they think that the journal in which it appears is not highly regarded by the leading researchers in the mainstream of the discipline.

(E) In some academic disciplines, controversies which begin in the pages of one journal spill over into articles in other journals that are widely read by researchers in the discipline.

The claim we are trying to weaken is the standard we use to determine a journal's usefulness: the number of time it has been cited. So we're looking for something that makes us think that number won't be a good way to measure usefulness.

(D) gives us exactly that. It tells us that some authors use a given article quite a bit but are embarrassed to cite to it. Thus, the article is used a lot but cited a little. Number of citations is a bad measure of usefulness.

Wrong answers:

(A) is out of scope. We only care about researchers in the discipline (not non-academic readers).

(B) is also out of scope. The cost is for the subscription, not for the page. Length of article is irrelevant.

(C) is out of scope for the same reason as (A). The general public isn't part of the argument.

(E) doesn't address the citations. It says that one journal will begin a dispute that other journals will pick up on. But won't the researchers cite all the articles? Why exactly would they miss the original journal? It seems like other journals that enter the controversy would probably refer to the original (but it doesn't matter whether they do or not). This doesn't tell us why number of citations is a bad measure of usefulness.
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The soaring prices of scholarly and scientific journals have forced academic libraries used only by academic researchers to drastically reduce their list of subscriptions. Some have suggested that in each academic discipline subscription decisions should be determined solely by a journal’s usefulness in that discipline, measured by the frequency with which it is cited in published writings by researchers in the discipline.

Which one of the following, if true, most seriously calls into question the suggestion described above?

(A) The nonacademic readership of a scholarly or scientific journal can be accurately gauged by the number of times articles appearing in it are cited in daily newspapers and popular magazines.

(B) The average length of a journal article in some sciences, such as physics, is less than half the average length of a journal article in some other academic disciplines, such as history.

(C) The increasingly expensive scholarly journals are less and less likely to be available to the general public from nonacademic public libraries.

(D) Researchers often will not cite a journal article that has influenced their work if they think that the journal in which it appears is not highly regarded by the leading researchers in the mainstream of the discipline.

(E) In some academic disciplines, controversies which begin in the pages of one journal spill over into articles in other journals that are widely read by researchers in the discipline.

The claim we are trying to weaken is the standard we use to determine a journal's usefulness: the number of time it has been cited. So we're looking for something that makes us think that number won't be a good way to measure usefulness.

(D) gives us exactly that. It tells us that some authors use a given article quite a bit but are embarrassed to cite to it. Thus, the article is used a lot but cited a little. Number of citations is a bad measure of usefulness.

Wrong answers:

(A) is out of scope. We only care about researchers in the discipline (not non-academic readers).

(B) is also out of scope. The cost is for the subscription, not for the page. Length of article is irrelevant.

(C) is out of scope for the same reason as (A). The general public isn't part of the argument.

(E) doesn't address the citations. It says that one journal will begin a dispute that other journals will pick up on. But won't the researchers cite all the articles? Why exactly would they miss the original journal? It seems like other journals that enter the controversy would probably refer to the original (but it doesn't matter whether they do or not). This doesn't tell us why number of citations is a bad measure of usefulness.


I was confused between D and E.
But finally marked E as the answer thinking that number is not a good way to measure usefulness. But here due to controversies in original journal increases the citation of that original journal in other journals as well thereby increasing the number of frequency of that original journal. Hence it weakens the argument because it is increasing the relevancy of a controversial journal which is not the purpose.
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The soaring prices of scholarly and scientific journals have forced academic libraries used only by academic researchers to drastically reduce their list of subscriptions. Some have suggested that in each academic discipline subscription decisions should be determined solely by a journal’s usefulness in that discipline, measured by the frequency with which it is cited in published writings by researchers in the discipline.

Which one of the following, if true, most seriously calls into question the suggestion described above?

(A) The nonacademic readership of a scholarly or scientific journal can be accurately gauged by the number of times articles appearing in it are cited in daily newspapers and popular magazines. - WRONG. Irrelevant.

(B) The average length of a journal article in some sciences, such as physics, is less than half the average length of a journal article in some other academic disciplines, such as history. - WRONG. Irrelevant.

(C) The increasingly expensive scholarly journals are less and less likely to be available to the general public from nonacademic public libraries. - WRONG. Irrelevant.

(D) Researchers often will not cite a journal article that has influenced their work if they think that the journal in which it appears is not highly regarded by the leading researchers in the mainstream of the discipline. - CORRECT. Weakens even it is done in a slight manner.

(E) In some academic disciplines, controversies which begin in the pages of one journal spill over into articles in other journals that are widely read by researchers in the discipline. - WRONG. Irrelevant.

Answer D.
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