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08 Oct 2009, 20:07
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Woodrow Wilson was referring to the liberal
idea of the economic market when he said that
the free enterprise system is the most efficient
economic system. Maximum freedom means
(5) maximum productiveness; our “openness” is to
be the measure of our stability. Fascination with
this ideal has made Americans defy the “Old
World” categories of settled possessiveness versus
unsettling deprivation, the cupidity of retention
(10) versus the cupidity of seizure, a “status quo”
defended or attacked. The United States, it was
believed, had no status quo ante. Our only “sta-
tion” was the turning of a stationary wheel, spin-
ning faster and faster. We did not base our
(15) system on property but opportunity—which
meant we based it not on stability but on mobil-
ity. The more things changed, that is, the more
rapidly the wheel turned, the steadier we would
be. The conventional picture of class politics is
(20) composed of the Haves, who want a stability to
keep what they have, and the Have-Nots, who
want a touch of instability and change in which
to scramble for the things they have not. But
Americans imagined a condition in which spec-
(25) ulators, self-makers, runners are always using the
new opportunities given by our land. These eco-
nomic leaders (front-runners) would thus be
mainly agents of change. The nonstarters were
considered the ones who wanted stability, a
(30) strong referee to give them some position in the
race, a regulative hand to calm manic specula-
tion; an authority that can call things to a halt,
begin things again from compensatorily stag-
gered “starting lines.”
(35) “Reform” in America has been sterile because
it can imagine no change except through the
extension of this metaphor of a race, wider inclu-
sion of competitors, “a piece of the action,” as it
were, for the disenfranchised. There is no
(40) attempt to call off the race. Since our only sta-
bility is change, America seems not to honor the
quiet work that achieves social interdependence
and stability. There is, in our legends, no hero-
ism of the office clerk, no stable industrial work
(45) force of the people who actually make the system
work. There is not pride in being an employee
(Wilson asked for a return to the time when
everyone was an employer). There has been no
boasting about our social workers—they are
(50) merely signs of the system’s failure, of opportu-
nity denied or not taken, of things to be elimi-
nated. We have no pride in our growing
interdependence, in the fact that our system can
serve others, that we are able to help those in
(55) need; empty boasts from the past make us
ashamed of our present achievements, make us
try to forget or deny them, move away from
them. There is no honor but in the Wonderland
race we must all run, all trying to win, none
(60) winning in the end (for there is no end).
1. The primary purpose of the passage is to
(A) criticize the inflexibility of American economic
mythology
(B) contrast “Old World” and “New World” economic
ideologies
(C) challenge the integrity of traditional political
leaders
(D) champion those Americans whom the author
deems to be neglected
(E) suggest a substitute for the traditional metaphor
of a race
2. According to the passage, “Old World” values were
based on
(A) ability
(B) property
(C) family connections
(D) guild hierarchies
(E) education
3. In the context of the author’s discussion of
regulating change, which of the following could be
most probably regarded as a “strong referee” (line
30) in the United States?
(A) A school principal
(B) A political theorist
(C) A federal court judge
(D) A social worker
(E) A government inspector
4. The author sets off the word “Reform” (line 35) with
quotation marks in order to
(A) emphasize its departure from the concept of
settled possessiveness
(B) show his support for a systematic program of
change
(C) underscore the flexibility and even amor-phousness
of United States society
(D) indicate that the term was one of Wilson’s favorites
(E) assert that reform in the United States has not
been fundamental
5. It can be inferred from the passage that the author
most probably thinks that giving the disenfranchised
“a piece of the action ” (line 38) is
(A) a compassionate, if misdirected, legislative
measure
(B) an example of Americans’ resistance to profound
social change
(C) an innovative program for genuine social reform
(D) a monument to the efforts of industrial reformers
(E) a surprisingly “Old World” remedy for social ills
6. Which of the following metaphors could the author
most appropriately use to summarize his own
assessment of the American economic system
(lines 35-60)?
(A) A windmill
(B) A waterfall
(C) A treadmill
(D) A gyroscope
(E) A bellows
7. It can be inferred from the passage that Woodrow
Wilson’s ideas about the economic market
(A) encouraged those who “make the system work”
(lines 45-46)
(B) perpetuated traditional legends about America
(C) revealed the prejudices of a man born wealthy
(D) foreshadowed the stock market crash of 1929
(E) began a tradition of presidential proclamations on
economics
8. The passage contains information that would answer
which of the following questions?
Ⅰ.What techniques have industrialists used to
manipulate a free market?
Ⅱ.In what ways are “ New World” and “ Old World”
economic policies similar?
Ⅲ. Has economic policy in the United States tended
to reward independent action?
(A) Ⅰonly
(B) Ⅱonly
(C) Ⅲ only
(D) Ⅰand Ⅱ only
(E) Ⅱand Ⅲ only
9. Which of the following best expresses the author’s
main point?
(A) Americans’ pride in their jobs continues to give
them stamina today.
(B) The absence of a status quo ante has
undermined United States economic structure.
(C) The free enterprise system has been only a
useless concept in the United States.
(D) The myth of the American free enterprise system
is seriously flawed.
(E) Fascination with the ideal of “openness” has
made Americans a progressive people.
idea of the economic market when he said that
the free enterprise system is the most efficient
economic system. Maximum freedom means
(5) maximum productiveness; our “openness” is to
be the measure of our stability. Fascination with
this ideal has made Americans defy the “Old
World” categories of settled possessiveness versus
unsettling deprivation, the cupidity of retention
(10) versus the cupidity of seizure, a “status quo”
defended or attacked. The United States, it was
believed, had no status quo ante. Our only “sta-
tion” was the turning of a stationary wheel, spin-
ning faster and faster. We did not base our
(15) system on property but opportunity—which
meant we based it not on stability but on mobil-
ity. The more things changed, that is, the more
rapidly the wheel turned, the steadier we would
be. The conventional picture of class politics is
(20) composed of the Haves, who want a stability to
keep what they have, and the Have-Nots, who
want a touch of instability and change in which
to scramble for the things they have not. But
Americans imagined a condition in which spec-
(25) ulators, self-makers, runners are always using the
new opportunities given by our land. These eco-
nomic leaders (front-runners) would thus be
mainly agents of change. The nonstarters were
considered the ones who wanted stability, a
(30) strong referee to give them some position in the
race, a regulative hand to calm manic specula-
tion; an authority that can call things to a halt,
begin things again from compensatorily stag-
gered “starting lines.”
(35) “Reform” in America has been sterile because
it can imagine no change except through the
extension of this metaphor of a race, wider inclu-
sion of competitors, “a piece of the action,” as it
were, for the disenfranchised. There is no
(40) attempt to call off the race. Since our only sta-
bility is change, America seems not to honor the
quiet work that achieves social interdependence
and stability. There is, in our legends, no hero-
ism of the office clerk, no stable industrial work
(45) force of the people who actually make the system
work. There is not pride in being an employee
(Wilson asked for a return to the time when
everyone was an employer). There has been no
boasting about our social workers—they are
(50) merely signs of the system’s failure, of opportu-
nity denied or not taken, of things to be elimi-
nated. We have no pride in our growing
interdependence, in the fact that our system can
serve others, that we are able to help those in
(55) need; empty boasts from the past make us
ashamed of our present achievements, make us
try to forget or deny them, move away from
them. There is no honor but in the Wonderland
race we must all run, all trying to win, none
(60) winning in the end (for there is no end).
1. The primary purpose of the passage is to
(A) criticize the inflexibility of American economic
mythology
(B) contrast “Old World” and “New World” economic
ideologies
(C) challenge the integrity of traditional political
leaders
(D) champion those Americans whom the author
deems to be neglected
(E) suggest a substitute for the traditional metaphor
of a race
2. According to the passage, “Old World” values were
based on
(A) ability
(B) property
(C) family connections
(D) guild hierarchies
(E) education
3. In the context of the author’s discussion of
regulating change, which of the following could be
most probably regarded as a “strong referee” (line
30) in the United States?
(A) A school principal
(B) A political theorist
(C) A federal court judge
(D) A social worker
(E) A government inspector
4. The author sets off the word “Reform” (line 35) with
quotation marks in order to
(A) emphasize its departure from the concept of
settled possessiveness
(B) show his support for a systematic program of
change
(C) underscore the flexibility and even amor-phousness
of United States society
(D) indicate that the term was one of Wilson’s favorites
(E) assert that reform in the United States has not
been fundamental
5. It can be inferred from the passage that the author
most probably thinks that giving the disenfranchised
“a piece of the action ” (line 38) is
(A) a compassionate, if misdirected, legislative
measure
(B) an example of Americans’ resistance to profound
social change
(C) an innovative program for genuine social reform
(D) a monument to the efforts of industrial reformers
(E) a surprisingly “Old World” remedy for social ills
6. Which of the following metaphors could the author
most appropriately use to summarize his own
assessment of the American economic system
(lines 35-60)?
(A) A windmill
(B) A waterfall
(C) A treadmill
(D) A gyroscope
(E) A bellows
7. It can be inferred from the passage that Woodrow
Wilson’s ideas about the economic market
(A) encouraged those who “make the system work”
(lines 45-46)
(B) perpetuated traditional legends about America
(C) revealed the prejudices of a man born wealthy
(D) foreshadowed the stock market crash of 1929
(E) began a tradition of presidential proclamations on
economics
8. The passage contains information that would answer
which of the following questions?
Ⅰ.What techniques have industrialists used to
manipulate a free market?
Ⅱ.In what ways are “ New World” and “ Old World”
economic policies similar?
Ⅲ. Has economic policy in the United States tended
to reward independent action?
(A) Ⅰonly
(B) Ⅱonly
(C) Ⅲ only
(D) Ⅰand Ⅱ only
(E) Ⅱand Ⅲ only
9. Which of the following best expresses the author’s
main point?
(A) Americans’ pride in their jobs continues to give
them stamina today.
(B) The absence of a status quo ante has
undermined United States economic structure.
(C) The free enterprise system has been only a
useless concept in the United States.
(D) The myth of the American free enterprise system
is seriously flawed.
(E) Fascination with the ideal of “openness” has
made Americans a progressive people.
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08 Oct 2009, 20:08
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Please post ur answers and the time taken
08 Oct 2009, 23:49
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19mins
BDBCBDAE
BDBCBDAE
