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sandysilva
GMAT 1: 650 Q42 V37
Posts: 191
Updated on: 14 Nov 2021, 12:45
Originally posted by sandysilva on 31 Jan 2018, 13:29.
Last edited by Sajjad1994 on 14 Nov 2021, 12:45, edited 3 times in total.
Last edited by Sajjad1994 on 14 Nov 2021, 12:45, edited 3 times in total.
Updated - Complete topic (853).
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Question 1
B
Be sure to select an answer first to save it in the Error Log before revealing the correct answer (OA)!
Difficulty:
5%
(low)
Question Stats:
86% (02:53) correct
14%
(02:42) wrong
based on 531
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Time
Result
Not Attempted Yet
Question 2
D
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Difficulty:
75%
(hard)
Question Stats:
39% (01:09) correct 61%
(01:10) wrong
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Time
Result
Not Attempted Yet
Question 3
A
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Difficulty:
35%
(medium)
Question Stats:
59% (00:58) correct 41%
(01:04) wrong
based on 591
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History
Date
Time
Result
Not Attempted Yet
Question 4
B
Be sure to select an answer first to save it in the Error Log before revealing the correct answer (OA)!
Difficulty:
95%
(hard)
Question Stats:
27% (00:53) correct 73%
(00:58) wrong
based on 557
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Date
Time
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Not Attempted Yet
Aristotle RC 99 - Passage 14
Let us consider whether women as a group have unique, politically relevant characteristics, whether they have special interests to which a representative could or should respond. Can we argue that women as a group share particular social, economic, or political problems that do not closely match those of other groups, or that they share a particular viewpoint on the solution to political problems? Framing the working definition of ―representable interests‖ in this fashion does not mean that the problems or issues are exclusively those of the specified interest group, any more than we can make the same argument about other types of groups more widely accepted as interest groups.
The fact that there is a labour interest group, for example, reflects the existence of other groups such as the business establishment, consumers, and government, which in a larger sense share labour‘s concerns, but often have viewpoints on the nature of, or solutions to, the problems which conflict with those of labour.
Nor does our working definition of an interest group mean that all of the potential members of that group are consciously allied, or that there is a clear and obvious answer to any given problem articulated by the entire group that differs substantially from answers articulated by others. Research in various fields of social science provides evidence that women do have a distinct position and a shared set of problems that characterize a special interest.
Many of these distinctions are located in the institution in which women and men are probably most often assumed to have common interests, the family. Much has been made of the ―sharing‖ or ―democratic‖ model of the modern family, but whatever democratization has taken place, it has not come close to erasing the division of labour and, indeed, stratification, by sex. Time-use studies show that women spend about the same amount of time on and do the same proportion of housework and child care now as women did at the turn of the century. To say that women are in a different social position from that of men and therefore have unique interests to be represented is not, however, the same as saying that women are conscious of these differences, that they define themselves as having special interests requiring representation, or that men and women as groups now disagree on policy issues in which women might have a special interest.
Studies of public opinion on the status and roles of women show relatively few significant differences between the sexes, and do not reveal women to be consistently more feminist than men. On the other hand, law and public policy continue to create and reinforce differences between women and men in property and contract matters, economic opportunity, protection from violence, control over fertility and child care, educational opportunities, and civic rights and obligations. The indicators generally used to describe differences in socioeconomic position also show that the politically relevant situations of women and men are different. Women in almost all countries have less education than men, and where they achieve equivalent levels of education, segregation by field and therefore skills and market value remains.
The fact that there is a labour interest group, for example, reflects the existence of other groups such as the business establishment, consumers, and government, which in a larger sense share labour‘s concerns, but often have viewpoints on the nature of, or solutions to, the problems which conflict with those of labour.
Nor does our working definition of an interest group mean that all of the potential members of that group are consciously allied, or that there is a clear and obvious answer to any given problem articulated by the entire group that differs substantially from answers articulated by others. Research in various fields of social science provides evidence that women do have a distinct position and a shared set of problems that characterize a special interest.
Many of these distinctions are located in the institution in which women and men are probably most often assumed to have common interests, the family. Much has been made of the ―sharing‖ or ―democratic‖ model of the modern family, but whatever democratization has taken place, it has not come close to erasing the division of labour and, indeed, stratification, by sex. Time-use studies show that women spend about the same amount of time on and do the same proportion of housework and child care now as women did at the turn of the century. To say that women are in a different social position from that of men and therefore have unique interests to be represented is not, however, the same as saying that women are conscious of these differences, that they define themselves as having special interests requiring representation, or that men and women as groups now disagree on policy issues in which women might have a special interest.
Studies of public opinion on the status and roles of women show relatively few significant differences between the sexes, and do not reveal women to be consistently more feminist than men. On the other hand, law and public policy continue to create and reinforce differences between women and men in property and contract matters, economic opportunity, protection from violence, control over fertility and child care, educational opportunities, and civic rights and obligations. The indicators generally used to describe differences in socioeconomic position also show that the politically relevant situations of women and men are different. Women in almost all countries have less education than men, and where they achieve equivalent levels of education, segregation by field and therefore skills and market value remains.
1. According to the passage, which of the following experiences do modern women have most nearly in common with women who lived in 1900?
A. they are represented only as individuals and not as a group.
B. they spend about the same amount of time on housework.
C. they experience significant discrimination in employment.
D. the proportion of women among those designated as representatives is lower than among the represented.
E. they are still not considered the equal of men.
A. they are represented only as individuals and not as a group.
B. they spend about the same amount of time on housework.
C. they experience significant discrimination in employment.
D. the proportion of women among those designated as representatives is lower than among the represented.
E. they are still not considered the equal of men.
2. Based on the passage, of the following issues the author is most concerned about the problem of:
A. the history of women‘s demands for representation as a group.
B. recent changes in the status of women in society.
C. opposing views concerning women‘s awareness of their own special interests.
D. the criteria that would justify group representation for women.
E. uplifting the status of women in modern society
A. the history of women‘s demands for representation as a group.
B. recent changes in the status of women in society.
C. opposing views concerning women‘s awareness of their own special interests.
D. the criteria that would justify group representation for women.
E. uplifting the status of women in modern society
3. The passage offers the most support for concluding that which of the following is an important problem confronting women today?
A. women are in a different socioeconomic position from that of men.
B. men differ greatly from women in the answers they propose for women‘s problems.
C. women do not qualify as an interest group, because they have not all banded together to pursue common goals.
D. a lack of educational opportunities has inhibited women from voicing their concerns
E. sexual harassment at the workplace
A. women are in a different socioeconomic position from that of men.
B. men differ greatly from women in the answers they propose for women‘s problems.
C. women do not qualify as an interest group, because they have not all banded together to pursue common goals.
D. a lack of educational opportunities has inhibited women from voicing their concerns
E. sexual harassment at the workplace
4. What is the main function of Paragraphs 1 -3?
A. to assert that women should be treated as the equal of men
B. to discuss the legitimate definition of a political interest group
C. to state that women qualify as a political interest group
D. to debate whether women have any unique, politically relevant characteristics
E. to applaud the proponents of the feminist movement
A. to assert that women should be treated as the equal of men
B. to discuss the legitimate definition of a political interest group
C. to state that women qualify as a political interest group
D. to debate whether women have any unique, politically relevant characteristics
E. to applaud the proponents of the feminist movement
Gmatsaiyan
Posts: 754
26 Oct 2018, 02:27
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Topic and Scope
- discusses the question of whether women should be represented as their own political group.Mapping the Passage
¶s 1-3 provide the author‘s definition of a legitimate political interest group.
¶4 cites research supporting the idea that women as a group fit this definition. The author provides evidence on the amount of housework and childcare.
¶5 argues that despite these differences, women may not be generally conscious of them and then goes on to cites further evidence in support the idea fit the definition of a political interest group.
