Bunuel
When governments subsidize certain industries, the business owners and employees of those industries benefit but the majority of consumers pay more for those products and find that there are fewer of their tax dollars available for policies they prefer. Unsurprisingly, polling indicates that most people see industry-specific subsidies as unfavorable. Consequently, political candidates would increase their likelihood of being elected if they oppose such subsidies.
The argument above assumes which of the following?
A. Most voters are well-informed about their elected representatives’ positions on subsidies.
B. Those who support subsidies are not significantly more likely to vote than are those who oppose subsidies.
C. Voters are only motivated by the way that policies directly impact themselves personally.
D. Political candidates should only support policies that increase their likelihood of being elected.
E. Subsidies specific to a particular industry do not stimulate the economy enough to benefit employees in other industries.
VERITAS PREP OFFICIAL SOLUTION:
As you assess the argument here looking for gaps in logic, you should see that the main premise in the argument is "in polling, most people find subsidies unfavorable" and the conclusion is that "politicians would therefore be more likely to win if they oppose subsidies." This leaves a pretty large gap: does seeing this one issue as unfavorable mean that most people would actually go and vote for a candidate who opposes that issue?
Anticipate some possible weaknesses in that logic:
-maybe it's an issue most people don't care about very much so it's not a good indicator of how they'll vote
-maybe the people who support subsidies passionately support them and will be sure to vote while those opposed are more apathetic and probably won't vote
However you look at it, recognize that the gap exists between how this particular issue polls and how that will impact votes.
For this reason,
choice (B) is correct. If you hold it up to the Assumption Negation Technique, you get: those who support the subsidies are significantly more likely to vote." If this were true, that would cripple the given argument - the only evidence the argument has is that "most people find subsidies unfavorable" but if polling is not a good indication of who will go and vote, that premise loses its predictive power. As anticipated above, (B) suggests a direct impediment between "polling" and "voting."
Among the incorrect answer choices, (C) and (E) are wrong for essentially the same reason: they each suggest reasons that people might actually prefer the subsidies (in (C) it's "what if they themselves don't benefit but they like what the subsidies do for their neighbors" and in (E) it's "maybe the subsidies actually do benefit most people, after all, if you let them play out"). But in each case the rebuttal is "but the polls already say that they're against subsidies." We have hard evidence in the stimulus that those considerations don't matter: people are against them.
(A) can be rebutted the same way. Even if people aren't well-informed about the issues, they've indicated that they're against the issue (and in real life, who hasn't met someone who's poorly-informed but heavily convicted about an issue?).
Choice (D) is there as a trap for those who tend to hijack the conclusion. Remember: the conclusion only talks about the probability (politicians would be more likely to win) and not what politicians ought to do. Choice (D) deals with what politicians should or shouldn't do, but that doesn't impact the specific conclusion at all, so (D) is incorrect.