Historians have long thought that America was, from the beginning

Question

Historians have long thought that America was, from the beginning, profoundly influenced by the Lockean notion of liberty, with its strong emphasis on individual rights and self-interest. Yet in his recent book, historian J. G. A. Pocock argues that early American culture was actually rooted in the writings of Machiavelli, not Locke. The implications of this substitution are important: if Pocock’s argument is right, then Americans may not be as deeply individualistic and capitalistic as many believe. Pocock argues that out of the writings of antiquity Machiavelli created a body of political thinking called “classical republicanism.” This body of thought revived the ancient belief that a human being was by nature a citizen who achieved moral fulfillment by participating in a self-governing republic. Liberty was interpreted as a condition that is realized when people are virtuous and are willing to sacrifice their individual interests for the sake of the community. To be completely virtuous, people had to be independent and free of the petty interests of the marketplace. The greatest enemy of virtue was commerce. This classical republican tradition is said by Pocock to have shaped the ideology of America during the eighteenth century. Many events in early American history can be reinterpreted in light of Pocock’s analysis. Jefferson is no longer seen as a progressive reader of Locke leading America into its individualistic future; instead Jefferson is understood as a figure obsessed with virtue and corruption and fearful of new commercial developments. Influenced by Pocock, some historians have even argued that a communitarian and precapitalist mentality was pervasive among the eighteenth-century farmers of America.

Yet Pocock’s thesis and the reinterpretation of the history of eighteenth-century America engendered by it are of dubious validity. If Americans did believe in the ideals of classical virtue that stressed civic duty and made the whole community greater than its discrete parts, then why did the colonists lack a sense of obligation to support the greater good of the British Empire? If indeed America has not always been the society of individual rights and self-interest that it is today, how and when did it be come so? Classical republicanism is elitist, and it certainly had little to offer the important new social groups of artisans and shopkeepers that emerged in America during the eighteenth century. These middle-class radicals, for whom John Wilkes and Thomas Paine were spokesmen, had none of the independence from the market that the landed gentry had. They were less concerned with virtue and community than they were with equality and private rights. They hated political privilege and wanted freedom from an elite-dominated state. In short, the United States was created not in a mood of classical anxiety over virtue and corruption, but in a mood of liberal optimism over individual profits and prosperity.   1 
 1. Which of the following best states the author’s main point?

(A) Classical republicanism could not have been the ideological basis of eighteenth-century America.
(B) Classical republicanism is an elitist theory that was rejected by eighteenth-century artisans and shopkeepers.
(C) Pocock understates the importance of the contributions Machiavelli made to the formation of early American culture.
(D) Pocock fails to capture the great extent to which eighteenth-century Americans were committed to a sense of civic duty.
(E) Pocock’s account of Jefferson is incompatible with Jefferson’s commitment to a Lockean notion of liberty.

2 
 2. The conception of liberty that, according to Pocock, formed the basis of America’s eighteenth-century ideology is most clearly exhibited by which of the following individuals?

(A) The merchant who rebuilds the damaged sidewalk in front of his store in order to avoid potential lawsuits by customers who might fall there
(B) The professor who allows her students to help her design the content and the format of the courses she teaches
(C) The doctor who bows to government pressure and agrees to treat a small number of low-income patients at no cost
(D) The lawyer who argues that a state law prohibiting smoking in public places unfairly encroaches on the rights of smokers
(E) The engineer whose business suffers as a result of the personal time and energy he devotes to a program to clean up city streets

3 
 3. According to the author, eighteenth-century American artisans and shopkeepers had little reason to

(A) support the political efforts of Thomas Jefferson
(B) reject the ideals of classical virtue
(C) embrace the principles of classical republicanism
(D) renounce the political objectives of the British Empire
(E) worry about increasing profits and maintaining general prosperity

4 
 4. The author mentions which of the following as a fact that weakens Pocock’s argument about the ideology of eighteenth-century America?

(A) Jefferson’s obsession with virtue and corruption and his fear of commercial development
(B) The precapitalist mentality that was pervasive among farmers in early America
(C) The political decline of artisans and shopkeepers in eighteenth-century America
(D) The colonists’ lack of commitment to support the general welfare of the British Empire
(E) The existence of political privilege in early American society

5 
 5. The passage suggests that, if classical republicanism had been the ideology of eighteenth-century America, which of the following would have resulted?

(A) People would have been motivated to open small businesses and expand commercial activity.
(B) Citizens and politicians would not have been encouraged to agitate for increased individual rights.
(C) People would have been convinced that by pursuing their own interests they were contributing to the good of the group.
(D) The political and social privileges enjoyed by the landed gentry would have been destroyed.
(E) A mood of optimism among people over individual profits and prosperity would have been created.

6 
 6. The author implies that Pocock’s argument about the ideology of eighteenth-century America would be more plausible if the argument explained which of the following?

(A) How a society that was once committed to the ideals of classical virtue could be transformed into a society of individual rights and self-interest
(B) How Thomas Jefferson could have become obsessed with individual rights and with prosperity and profits
(C) Why classical republicanism had such wide appeal among those who were free from the demands of the marketplace
(D) Why many colonists who embraced classical republicanism were reluctant to place their individual interests above those of Great Britain
(E) Why the landed gentry in eighteenth-century America should have believed that moral fulfillment is achieved by participating in a self-governing republic

7 
 7. According to the passage, Pocock’s theory suggests that many eighteenth-century Americans believed that increasing commercial activity would

(A) force the landed gentry to relinquish their vast holdings
(B) enrich the nation and increase individual rights
(C) cause some people to forfeit their liberty and virtue
(D) create a mood of optimism about national prosperity
(E) strengthen the political appeal of middle-class radicals

8 
 8. The author is primarily concerned with

(A) refuting a proposed thesis about eighteenth-century America
(B) analyzing a long-established interpretation of American history
(C) criticizing a set of deeply held beliefs about early American ideology
(D) reconciling opposing interpretations of eighteenth-century American ideology
(E) defending a novel reading of the ideology of eighteenth-century America

GMATNinja · Accepted Answer

The author first introduces the thinking of most historians (first sentence). Then, the author introduces a proposed thesis contrary to the thinking of most historians ("historian J. G. A. Pocock argues that early American culture was actually rooted in the writings of Machiavelli, not Locke.") The author describes how this proposed thesis would change some interpretations of American history, but then, in the second paragraph, the author describes why "Pocock’s thesis and the reinterpretation of the history of eighteenth-century America engendered by it are of  dubious validity ."

The author presents the proposed thesis only to refute that theory (to show that it is not valid), and this is the main purpose of the passage.

GMATNinja · Answer

Question 2 
 
I wouldn't worry too much about question 5, since the OA hasn't been verified. But in case it helps, here's a breakdown of question 2.

In the first paragraph, the author describes Pocock's idea of liberty with the following sentence:

So according to Pocock, liberty is when people are  willing to sacrifice  their individual interests for the " sake of the community ." Let's take a look at question #2.

Although rebuilding the damaged sidewalk will benefit the community, the merchant is not doing this as a  willing sacrifice  of his or her " individual interests ." Rather, the merchant rebuilds the damaged sidewalk to avoid a lawsuit. In other words, the merchant is motivated NOT by willingness to sacrifice, but self-interest. Eliminate (A).

By allowing her students to help her design her courses, the professor is not "sacrificing" her "individual interests." If anything, getting her students to help her do her work is  serving  her "individual interests." Get rid of (B).

While treating low-income patients at no cost is a  sacrifice  for the " sake of the community ," it's not a  willing  sacrifice. In fact, the doctor is only making this sacrifice because he or she was pressured by the government. Since this isn't an example of a  willing  sacrifice, (C) is out.

The lawyer is not making a sacrifice, but merely arguing in favor of the rights of smokers. Also, while this action may benefit smokers, it's not being done for the "sake of the community." Eliminate (D).

By devoting personal time and energy to cleaning city streets, the engineer is clearly acting for the " sake of the community ." Because these actions are done  freely  (i.e. not because the government is pressuring the engineer), and because they cause the engineer's business to suffer, they are a  willing sacrifice . Since this fits the definition of liberty from the passage, (E) is correct.

I hope that helps!

Luckisnoexcuse · Answer

The author is primarily concerned with
(A) refuting a proposed thesis about eighteenth-century America
(B) analyzing a long-established interpretation of American history
(C) criticizing a set of deeply held beliefs about early American ideology
(D) reconciling opposing interpretations of eighteenth-century American ideology
(E) defending a novel reading of the ideology of eighteenth-century America

Request experts to explain how the OA is A...and why not other options such as B or D

Parhikrit · Answer

Can anyone please explain question 7? Thanks in advance

Posted from my mobile device

Sidmehra · Answer

Hi  GMATNinjaTwo

In question 6 options A and D both represent the thought of the author as to why Pocock's theory was not plausible enough.

If Americans did believe in the ideals of classical virtue that stressed civic duty and made the whole community greater than its discrete parts, then why did the colonists lack a sense of obligation to support the greater good of the British Empire? If indeed America has not always been the society of individual rights and self-interest that it is today, how and when did it be come so?

How is A correct ?

GMATNinja · Answer

Question 6 
 
Both (A) and (D) relate to information in the passage, but as usual, the exact language of each option has a significant impact on the meaning of the answer choice.

Take another look at (D):
 
Remember, classical republicans regarded those who "are willing to sacrifice their individual interests for the sake of the community" as virtuous. Would these people be  reluctant  to place their individual interests above those of Great Britain? Not if they were truly classical republicans!

The author actually demands the answer to the  opposite  question in the passage: "If Americans did believe in the ideals of classical virtue that stressed civic duty and made the whole community greater than its discrete parts, then why did the colonists lack a sense of obligation to support the greater good of the British Empire?" In other words, why were these colonists not concerned about ditching their classical republican ideals and failing to support Great Britain?

Because the supposedly classical republican colonists were not  reluctant  to place their individual interests above those of Great Britain, the answer to (D) would not make Pocock's argument more plausible. For this reason, (D) is out.

Compare that with (A):
 
In the passage, the author asks "If indeed America has not always been the society of individual rights and self-interest that it is today, how and when did it become so?"

This aligns closely with the language of (A) -- both ask Pocock to explain the America's transformation to a self-interested society if indeed it was a classically republican society in the 18th century. (A) is the correct answer.

Question #7 
 
The best way to go about question #7 is to examine the question and then use POE on the answer choices.

To answer the question, we are looking for something that Pocock's theory suggests about 18th century Americans. Pocock believed that American society at this time was shaped by classical republicanism -- so, what would these classically republican Americans believe about increasing commercial activity? Would it:

There is no support in the passage for this answer choice. "Landed gentry" are mentioned near the end of the passage, but nowhere does the author imply that classical republicans believed that increasing commercial activity would somehow force the gentry to give up their land. (A) is out.

Classical republicans saw commerce as "the greatest enemy of virtue." So, commerce is not seen in a positive light at all, and increasing commercial activity was not seen as a way to "enrich the nation." (B) is out.

Here is what the passage says about liberty, virtue, and commerce in the eyes of classical republicans:
 
So, what would happen with  increasing  commercial activity?
  "The greatest enemy of virtue was commerce," so  increasing  commercial activity would make it  more difficult  to be virtuous. 
 "Liberty... is realized when people are virtuous," so if it is  more difficult to be virtuous , then it is  less likely that people would have liberty.

In all, classical republicans believed that increasing commercial activity would decrease the number of people who were virtuous and therefore had liberty. Let's keep (C) for now.

Nope. Classical republicans did not support increasing commercial activity, and optimism about national prosperity is mentioned in the last sentence of the passage to describe how Americans were actually  not  classical republicans. (D) is out.

The passage does not imply that classical republicans connected increasing commercial activity with a strengthened appeal of middle class radicals.

(E) is out, and (C) is our answer.

I hope that helps!

Thelionking1234 · Answer

Question 5

I followed Process of elimination

This can be easily eliminated because it is out of scope, not at all mentioned in the passage.

If you have understood second paragraph of the passage, then you would know that middle class have not accepted this ideals so rather they might encouraged to agitate for the increased individual rights. Wrong Eliminate.

Correct. People achieved moral fulfillment.... So this can not be eliminated

No 180° Opposite answer eliminated

It could have been created among middle class but not among all. Wrong eliminate.

Saasingh · Answer

For Q5 even though I myself chose C over B, I can justify why B might be a better choice.

5. The passage suggests that, if classical republicanism had been the ideology of eighteenth-century America, which of the following would have resulted?

(B) Citizens and politicians would not have been encouraged to agitate for increased individual rights.
(C) People would have been convinced that by pursuing their own interests they were contributing to the good of the group.

Okay so basically the essence of republicanism is that people think of greater good of community over their own good. Sacrifice of self per se.
But I see that paragraph 1 never refuses that people do not think about individual rights. It in facts states that people do really think about individual rights. But the goal of fighting for their individual rights is that if they are free, they can help the community.

"To be completely virtuous, people had to be independent and free of the petty interests of the marketplace."

Very subtle point.

Thus option B is wrong. Because even if they fight for their freedom, this fact doesn't imply that they are fighting for personal reasons. As stated, to be able to help others, one must be "free", "independent" .. for if you ain't free yourself, how are you gonna help the community?

C on the other hand, to have that republicanism ideology, people must be clear in their mind that their fight for individual rights is "for the greater good of the community"-------> precisely what option C says.

Oof, that was a tough one. I definitely had a big brain exercise trying to justify option B. Also, I know the OA so I am able to justify it. Totally different game to be 100% sure with such questions in your first go. It is very subtle but clearly the essence behind the writing.

Hope it helps. Kudos appreciated.

mSKR · Answer

Hi AndrewN GMATNinja I am not sure what are your comments on Q5. I gave up this question

Another Point: Shall I interpret it as: Historians argued that communitarian and precapitalistic mentality was pervasive. . In other words they argued because they didn't agree that communitarian and precapitalist mentality was pervasive among the eighteenth-century farmers. Otherwise why would they argue if they can agree that communitarian and precapitalist mentality was pervasive among the eighteenth-century farmers. Second point : Influenced by Pocock, some historians have even argued . It means historians are in agreement with Pocock. And, Pocock words implies that capitalist mentality was not in minds of people. But sacrifice individual rights over prosperity of community was the main thing. Thirdly , ( YET) Next passage starts with : Yet Pocock’s thesis and the reinterpretation of the history of eighteenth-century America engendered by it are of dubious validity It means change in language. Now the para talks about against Pocock theory .So previous lines must be in favour of Pocock . Is my understanding correct or Am i doing some blunder? Please give your opinion . Thanks!

GMATNinja · Answer

Question 5 
 
The word “argue” does not necessarily mean to “disagree.” In this instance, “to argue” means “to give reasons or cite evidence in support of a theory.” For that reason, we can interpret the sentence you referenced as follows:

Influenced by Pocock, some historians have even  asserted  (or  stated ) that a communitarian and precapitalist mentality was pervasive among the eighteenth-century farmers of America.

In other words, these historians, like Pocock, believed the capitalist mindset was not pervasive and even went as far as to assert that farmers had a precapitalist/communitarian mentality.

The first paragraph introduces Pocock’s view that America was influenced by Machiavelli. In the second paragraph, the author describes his/her doubts about Pocock’s view.

I hope that helps!

soondoobu · Answer

what are your thoughts on q5 for this RC passage? B seems pretty popular and I still think that it is the right answer - can't seem to find any supporting reason for C being the correct answer.

MartyTargetTestPrep   VeritasKarishma

KarishmaB · Answer

Yes, (B) does work better. Request the OP to post the solution and explanation from the original source.

krittapat · Answer

GMATNinja   egmat 
 veritasKarishma 
Could you please help explain why option B in question 5 is wrong?
I don't think choice C is supported by any info in the passage.

Also, Could you please help explain question 2 in details?
I don't have any clue to solve this question.

shubham28896 · Answer

Hi, Please explain how the answer for Question 5 is C. I can't relate to the explanations given above.

I have the same issue that, passage describes that sacrificing own interests would lead greater good of the society. The how will persuing own interests will help in greater good of society.

DmitryFarberMPrep · Answer

Yeah, Q5 definitely can't be C. C is describing more of a capitalist way of thinking--people contribute by pursuing their own self-interest. That's the opposite of what we want here.

B isn't really a good answer--we don't know for sure that people wouldn't also have been encouraged to gain more rights for themselves--but it's at least consistent with the mindset the author associates with classical republicanism.

Historians have long thought that America was, from the beginning

Prep Toolkit

Top 5 GMAT Debrief Videos

615 to 715 in 15 Days (Ria's Strategies)

More than Quant/Verbal Abilities: Speed vs. Accuracy

745 with Only Self-Prep and GMAT Club

From 555 to 765: 210-point Improvement

Perfect 805 Score Debrief by Julia

My Rewards

GMAT Reading Comprehension (RC) Questions

Historians have long thought that America was, from the beginning

Prep Toolkit

615 to 715 in 15 Days (Ria's Strategies)

More than Quant/Verbal Abilities: Speed vs. Accuracy

745 with Only Self-Prep and GMAT Club

From 555 to 765: 210-point Improvement

Perfect 805 Score Debrief by Julia

My Rewards