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Historian: The early Egyptian pharaohs spent as much wealth on largely ceremonial and hugely impressive architecture as they did on roads and irrigation systems. This was not mere frivolousness, however, for if people under a pharaoh 's rule could be made to realize the extent of their ruler's mastery of the physical world, their loyalty could be maintained without military coercion.
The claim that early Egyptian expenditure on largely ceremonial architecture was not frivolous plays which one of the following roles in the historian's argument?
(A) It is a conclusion purportedly justified by the argument's appeal to the psychological effects of these structures on the Egyptian population.
(B) It is offered in support of the claim that Egyptian pharaohs spent as much on ceremonial architecture as they did on roads and irrigation systems.
(C) It is a premise given in support of the claim that the loyalty of people under a pharaoh 's rule was maintained over time without reliance on military force.
(D) It is offered as an illustration of the principle that social and political stability do not depend ultimately on force.
(E) It is a premise used to justify the pharaohs' policy of spending scarce resources on structures that have only military utility.
Source: LSAT
The claim that the early Egyptian pharaohs' expenditure on ceremonial architecture was not frivolous serves as a (A) conclusion purportedly justified by the argument's appeal to the psychological effects of these structures on the Egyptian population.
Explanation:The historian's argument is that the impressive architecture, despite being largely ceremonial, wasn't just wasteful spending. The argument suggests that these structures served the practical purpose of fostering loyalty among the populace, thereby reducing the need for military coercion. Therefore, the historian's claim of "not mere frivolousness" acts as the conclusion derived from observing the psychological impact of the architecture.
Why other options are incorrect:
(B) It is offered in support of the claim that Egyptian pharaohs spent as much on ceremonial architecture as they did on roads and irrigation systems:
While the historian does mention that the spending on both was equal, this is a premise of the argument, not the conclusion. The focus of the question is on the historian's claim that the architectural expenditure was not frivolous.
(C) It is a premise given in support of the claim that the loyalty of people under a pharaoh 's rule was maintained over time without reliance on military force:
This is the reverse of the actual relationship. The historian is arguing that the loyalty was maintained because the architecture wasn't frivolous. It's the reason for the claim, not the claim itself.
(D) It is offered as an illustration of the principle that social and political stability do not depend ultimately on force:
While there is an element of this principle at play in the argument, the historian's specific claim about the architecture is not presented as an illustration of a broader principle. It's a specific claim within the context of ancient Egypt.
(E) It is a premise used to justify the pharaohs' policy of spending scarce resources on structures that have only military utility:
This is the exact opposite of the historian's claim. The historian is arguing that the architecture wasn't just for military utility. The historian's point is that the expenditure on these structures wasn't wasteful, but rather a tool for social control.
Source: AI Overview