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IMO option D


(A) Many drivers prefer to travel alone due to the flexibility and privacy it offers, even when financial incentives are offered for carpooling. - Irrelevant

(B) The tax incentives provided for carpooling are structured to disproportionately benefit higher-income drivers, potentially leading to less participation among lower-income commuters. -Not mention about drivers income

(C) Public transportation systems are likely to see an increase in use due to higher awareness of environmental issues, regardless of the carpooling initiative.- Out of scope

(D) Most traffic congestion is due to commercial vehicles, which are not affected by carpooling incentives as they cannot realistically share vehicle space. - Correct

(E) The tax incentives for carpooling will initially cost the city a significant amount in lost tax revenue, which could have been used for other traffic reduction measures.- Not relatable to about reduction measures

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D is my answer. If most traffic congestion is due to commercial vehicles, which are not affected by carpooling incentives as they cannot realistically share vehicle space , then the city's plan to decrease traffic congestion is NOT gonna work.
A is close but could be rejected as we dont know how many drivers prefer to travel alone and their proportion amongst the drivers.
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This is because carpooling would be insignificant to the effect that it's impact won't be felt, hence traffic congestion.

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I think the answer is (D) Most traffic congestion is due to commercial vehicles, which are not affected by carpooling incentives as they cannot realistically share vehicle space.
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IMO -D

Urban Planner's Claim: The city plans to reduce traffic congestion by implementing a carpooling initiative that encourages drivers to share rides by offering tax incentives. The plan is based on the assumption that by reducing the number of single-occupancy vehicles on the roads, overall traffic volume will decrease.

Which of the following, if true, raises the most serious doubt regarding the effectiveness of the city's plan to decrease traffic congestion?

(A) Many drivers prefer to travel alone due to the flexibility and privacy it offers, even when financial incentives are offered for carpooling. // Eliminate - It considers only many drivers and not most so it cannot weaken the effectiveness of the plan.

(B) The tax incentives provided for carpooling are structured to disproportionately benefit higher-income drivers, potentially leading to less participation among lower-income commuters. // Eliminate - Still lower income commuters have the tax incentives which does provides good reason for the effectiveness of the plan.

(C) Public transportation systems are likely to see an increase in use due to higher awareness of environmental issues, regardless of the carpooling initiative. // Eliminate - Irrelevant

(D) Most traffic congestion is due to commercial vehicles, which are not affected by carpooling incentives as they cannot realistically share vehicle space. // Correct - Spot on answer choice. This option throws light at the sample size and type of data in sample as this could very well affect the plan.

(E) The tax incentives for carpooling will initially cost the city a significant amount in lost tax revenue, which could have been used for other traffic reduction measures. // Eliminate - Irrelevant
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D because MOST of the congestion is because of vehicles not affected by the tax exemption
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­Urban Planner's Claim: The city plans to reduce traffic congestion by implementing a carpooling initiative that encourages drivers to share rides by offering tax incentives. The plan is based on the assumption that by reducing the number of single-occupancy vehicles on the roads, overall traffic volume will decrease.

Which of the following, if true, raises the most serious doubt regarding the effectiveness of the city's plan to decrease traffic congestion?

(A) Many drivers prefer to travel alone due to the flexibility and privacy it offers, even when financial incentives are offered for carpooling.

(B) The tax incentives provided for carpooling are structured to disproportionately benefit higher-income drivers, potentially leading to less participation among lower-income commuters.

(C) Public transportation systems are likely to see an increase in use due to higher awareness of environmental issues, regardless of the carpooling initiative.

(D) Most traffic congestion is due to commercial vehicles, which are not affected by carpooling incentives as they cannot realistically share vehicle space.

(E) The tax incentives for carpooling will initially cost the city a significant amount in lost tax revenue, which could have been used for other traffic reduction measures.



­
 


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­(A) Many drivers prefer to travel alone due to the flexibility and privacy it offers, even when financial incentives are offered for carpooling.


  • This option suggests that personal preferences for traveling alone may override the financial incentives for carpooling. If many drivers choose not to participate in the carpooling initiative despite the tax incentives, the plan would be less effective at reducing traffic congestion.
(B) The tax incentives provided for carpooling are structured to disproportionately benefit higher-income drivers, potentially leading to less participation among lower-income commuters.


  • This option indicates a potential equity issue in the distribution of benefits. While it could affect overall participation rates, it doesn't directly challenge the assumption that reducing single-occupancy vehicles will decrease traffic volume.
(C) Public transportation systems are likely to see an increase in use due to higher awareness of environmental issues, regardless of the carpooling initiative.


  • This option suggests an alternative solution to reducing traffic congestion but does not directly challenge the carpooling plan itself. Increased use of public transportation could complement the carpooling initiative rather than undermine it.
(D) Most traffic congestion is due to commercial vehicles, which are not affected by carpooling incentives as they cannot realistically share vehicle space.


  • This option directly challenges the assumption by suggesting that even if the number of single-occupancy vehicles is reduced, overall traffic congestion might not significantly decrease because a large portion of the congestion is caused by commercial vehicles that cannot carpool.
(E) The tax incentives for carpooling will initially cost the city a significant amount in lost tax revenue, which could have been used for other traffic reduction measures.


  • This option addresses the financial impact of the initiative on the city's budget but does not directly address the effectiveness of the carpooling initiative in reducing traffic congestion.
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­Let us analyze the claim:
Reduced traffic congestion due to reduction in single occupancy vehicles.

(A) - It is a good option but it doesnt say that these people will not switch. Preference can change. 
(B) Doesn't affect the claim
(c) Doesn't affect the claim
(E) Not relevant

D. This raises the most doubt because if traffic congestion is due to commercial vehicles which are not impacted by carpooling incentives then plan will fail.

Answer: Option D
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­Urban Planner's Claim: The city plans to reduce traffic congestion by implementing a carpooling initiative that encourages drivers to share rides by offering tax incentives. The plan is based on the assumption that by reducing the number of single-occupancy vehicles on the roads, overall traffic volume will decrease.

Which of the following, if true, raises the most serious doubt regarding the effectiveness of the city's plan to decrease traffic congestion?

(A) Many drivers prefer to travel alone due to the flexibility and privacy it offers, even when financial incentives are offered for carpooling.

(B) The tax incentives provided for carpooling are structured to disproportionately benefit higher-income drivers, potentially leading to less participation among lower-income commuters.

(C) Public transportation systems are likely to see an increase in use due to higher awareness of environmental issues, regardless of the carpooling initiative.

(D) Most traffic congestion is due to commercial vehicles, which are not affected by carpooling incentives as they cannot realistically share vehicle space.

(E) The tax incentives for carpooling will initially cost the city a significant amount in lost tax revenue, which could have been used for other traffic reduction measures.



­
 


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The question asks 'which of the following, if true, raises the most serious doubt regarding the effectiveness of the city's plan to decrease traffic congestion?', we need to find an option that raises the most serious doubt on the effectiveness of the city's plan of giving tax incentives to carpoolers.

B talks about lower- income commuters, this doesn't raise a serious doubt on the plan since we are not told what proportion of city-dwellers are low- income commuters, it might be a small number. So we eliminate B.
C talks about the likelyhood of increase in public transportation, which although might help decrease traffic congestion, doesn't throw serious doubt on city's plan itself, only on whether a plan is needed in the first place.
E is entirely incorrect because the proposed plan is *already* a traffic reduction measure, this option would've held weight if it suggested better *and* more cost- effective measures.

This came down to A vs D.
A is wrong, the key to eliminating A lies in the word 'Many', many drivers can prefer not to carpool all they want, but many can still be a small number, hence not significantly affecting the effectiveness of the plan.
D is the correct answer, it neatly attacks the plan by saying that carpooling will not bring about significant reduction in traffic congestion since *most* of the traffic in the city comes from commercial vehicles.

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Quote:
 
Urban Planner's Claim: The city plans to reduce traffic congestion by implementing a carpooling initiative that encourages drivers to share rides by offering tax incentives. The plan is based on the assumption that by reducing the number of single-occupancy vehicles on the roads, overall traffic volume will decrease.­

weaken the conclusion : 



(A) Many drivers prefer to travel alone due to the flexibility and privacy it offers, even when financial incentives are offered for carpooling. does not weaken the conclusion 

(B) The tax incentives provided for carpooling are structured to disproportionately benefit higher-income drivers, potentially leading to less participation among lower-income commuters. does not weaken the conclusion 

(C) Public transportation systems are likely to see an increase in use due to higher awareness of environmental issues, regardless of the carpooling initiative. irrelevant to conclusion 

(D) Most traffic congestion is due to commercial vehicles, which are not affected by carpooling incentives as they cannot realistically share vehicle space.
this reason weakens the conclusion most
 
(E) The tax incentives for carpooling will initially cost the city a significant amount in lost tax revenue, which could have been used for other traffic reduction measures. not relevant option 

option D is correct
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To determine which option raises the most serious doubt about the effectiveness of the city's carpooling initiative to reduce traffic congestion, we need to identify the factor that directly impacts the plan's ability to decrease the overall traffic volume.

Let's evaluate each option:

(A) Many drivers prefer to travel alone due to the flexibility and privacy it offers, even when financial incentives are offered for carpooling.

This option addresses driver behavior and suggests that despite incentives, many drivers may not participate in carpooling. This directly challenges the assumption that enough drivers will switch to carpooling to reduce traffic congestion.

(B) The tax incentives provided for carpooling are structured to disproportionately benefit higher-income drivers, potentially leading to less participation among lower-income commuters.

While this could impact the overall participation rate, it does not directly address the effectiveness of the plan in reducing traffic congestion for the entire population.

(C) Public transportation systems are likely to see an increase in use due to higher awareness of environmental issues, regardless of the carpooling initiative.

This option suggests an alternative to carpooling that could also reduce traffic congestion, but it does not directly undermine the assumption that carpooling itself will reduce traffic.

(D) Most traffic congestion is due to commercial vehicles, which are not affected by carpooling incentives as they cannot realistically share vehicle space.

This option directly challenges the plan's effectiveness by stating that the main cause of congestion (commercial vehicles) will not be addressed by carpooling incentives. This could mean that the overall traffic volume will not decrease significantly.

(E) The tax incentives for carpooling will initially cost the city a significant amount in lost tax revenue, which could have been used for other traffic reduction measures.

While this highlights a financial drawback of the plan, it does not directly impact the assumption about reducing traffic congestion through carpooling.
Among these options, the one that raises the most serious doubt regarding the effectiveness of the city's plan to decrease traffic congestion is:

(D) Most traffic congestion is due to commercial vehicles, which are not affected by carpooling incentives as they cannot realistically share vehicle space.

This option directly addresses the root cause of traffic congestion and suggests that the carpooling initiative may not effectively reduce overall traffic volume if the primary contributors to congestion are not targeted by the incentives.


Thus, Answer: D
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Urban Planner's Claim: The city plans to reduce traffic congestion by implementing a carpooling initiative that encourages drivers to share rides by offering tax incentives. The plan is based on the assumption that by reducing the number of single-occupancy vehicles on the roads, overall traffic volume will decrease.

Which of the following, if true, raises the most serious doubt regarding the effectiveness of the city's plan to decrease traffic congestion?

(A) Many drivers prefer to travel alone due to the flexibility and privacy it offers, even when financial incentives are offered for carpooling. -> Attacks the claim perfectly since even after offering tax initiatives, the number of single-occupancy vehicles won't reduce. 

(B) The tax incentives provided for carpooling are structured to disproportionately benefit higher-income drivers, potentially leading to less participation among lower-income commuters. -> We don't know how many higher-income drivers ride with single-occupancy vs lower-income drivers. 

(C) Public transportation systems are likely to see an increase in use due to higher awareness of environmental issues, regardless of the carpooling initiative. -> Irrelevant, we aren't concerned with public transportation systems

(D) Most traffic congestion is due to commercial vehicles, which are not affected by carpooling incentives as they cannot realistically share vehicle space. -> This felt like a trap option, it doesn't tell if commercial vehicles are single-occupancy vehicles or not. 

(E) The tax incentives for carpooling will initially cost the city a significant amount in lost tax revenue, which could have been used for other traffic reduction measures.­ -> Irrrelevant, we aren't concerned with that, we are concernred with decrease in traffic volume. 

Hence the answer will be (A)
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(A) Many drivers prefer to travel alone due to the flexibility and privacy it offers, even when financial incentives are offered for carpooling.

This option suggests that individual preferences for flexibility and privacy might outweigh the financial incentives provided for carpooling. If true, it casts doubt on the assumption that enough drivers will opt for carpooling to significantly reduce traffic congestion.
(B) The tax incentives provided for carpooling are structured to disproportionately benefit higher-income drivers, potentially leading to less participation among lower-income commuters.

This statement raises concerns about equity in the carpooling initiative. If lower-income drivers perceive the incentives as benefiting higher-income individuals more, they might be less motivated to participate, undermining the effectiveness of the plan to reduce congestion.
(C) Public transportation systems are likely to see an increase in use due to higher awareness of environmental issues, regardless of the carpooling initiative.

This option suggests an alternative trend where increased awareness of environmental issues prompts more people to use public transportation. If this increase in public transit use is substantial, it could offset any reduction in traffic congestion achieved through carpooling alone.
(D) Most traffic congestion is due to commercial vehicles, which are not affected by carpooling incentives as they cannot realistically share vehicle space.

If commercial vehicles contribute significantly to traffic congestion and are not impacted by carpooling incentives, then the initiative targeting private vehicles may have limited effectiveness in reducing overall congestion.
(E) The tax incentives for carpooling will initially cost the city a significant amount in lost tax revenue, which could have been used for other traffic reduction measures.

This option raises financial concerns about the cost of implementing carpooling incentives. If the lost tax revenue is substantial and not offset by reductions in congestion, it questions the cost-effectiveness of the initiative.
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Bunuel
­Urban Planner's Claim: The city plans to reduce traffic congestion by implementing a carpooling initiative that encourages drivers to share rides by offering tax incentives. The plan is based on the assumption that by reducing the number of single-occupancy vehicles on the roads, overall traffic volume will decrease.

Which of the following, if true, raises the most serious doubt regarding the effectiveness of the city's plan to decrease traffic congestion?

(A) Many drivers prefer to travel alone due to the flexibility and privacy it offers, even when financial incentives are offered for carpooling.

(B) The tax incentives provided for carpooling are structured to disproportionately benefit higher-income drivers, potentially leading to less participation among lower-income commuters.

(C) Public transportation systems are likely to see an increase in use due to higher awareness of environmental issues, regardless of the carpooling initiative.

(D) Most traffic congestion is due to commercial vehicles, which are not affected by carpooling incentives as they cannot realistically share vehicle space.

(E) The tax incentives for carpooling will initially cost the city a significant amount in lost tax revenue, which could have been used for other traffic reduction measures.



­
 


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­The Urban Planner's planning carpooling initiative with a view to reduce the number of single-occupancy vehicles on the roads, but if most traffic congestion is due to other kind of vehicles like commercial vehicles, which are not affected by carpooling incentives as they cannot realistically share vehicle space, then the argument shall fall apart because even when the initiative is in effective and the overall number of single-occupancy vehicles on the roads declined, there would still be other vehicles occupying the road cauing congestion => D. 
Other answers are outside of the context, lack grounds to prove or irrelevant. 
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­Answer D:

A.To decrease traffic, single-occupancy vehicles must decrease, here if the tax incentive doesn't work, the single-occupancy vehicles won't decrease, so no reduction of traffic congestion. This woulld hurt the initiative. Let's keep it in
B Out of range
C THis strengthens the argument and doesn't raise doubt about it.
D Looks very good, like for A, if the incentive doesn't work on most people, then it's useless, let's keep it in.
E We don't care about the amount spent and it's effectiveness here

A and D: D directly adresses the traffic congestion whereas A is more vague. D is correct
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Urban plan claim:- to reduce traffic congestion he initiated car pooling option so that people will opt car pooling option(as drivers gives tax offerings.
conclusion: overall traffic will decrease by reducing the single occupacy vehicles on roads
Now , it's asking to make doubt on this plan which is to decrease the traffic congestion.
option -D would be the answer as if there would not be decrease in vehicles in roads (people don't opt sharing ) it won't decrease congestion as well if traffic occurs mostly due to commercial vehicles , people don't opt the car pooling option it will not minimize the vehicles due to which traffic congestion will remain same or don't decrease that much-create doubt.

(D) Most traffic congestion is due to commercial vehicles, which are not affected by carpooling incentives as they cannot realistically share vehicle space.
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Bunuel
­Urban Planner's Claim: The city plans to reduce traffic congestion by implementing a carpooling initiative that encourages drivers to share rides by offering tax incentives. The plan is based on the assumption that by reducing the number of single-occupancy vehicles on the roads, overall traffic volume will decrease.

Which of the following, if true, raises the most serious doubt regarding the effectiveness of the city's plan to decrease traffic congestion?

(A) Many drivers prefer to travel alone due to the flexibility and privacy it offers, even when financial incentives are offered for carpooling.

(B) The tax incentives provided for carpooling are structured to disproportionately benefit higher-income drivers, potentially leading to less participation among lower-income commuters.

(C) Public transportation systems are likely to see an increase in use due to higher awareness of environmental issues, regardless of the carpooling initiative.

(D) Most traffic congestion is due to commercial vehicles, which are not affected by carpooling incentives as they cannot realistically share vehicle space.

(E) The tax incentives for carpooling will initially cost the city a significant amount in lost tax revenue, which could have been used for other traffic reduction measures.



­
 


This question was provided by GMAT Club
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­(A) Many drivers prefer to travel alone due to the flexibility and privacy it offers, even when financial incentives are offered for carpooling.
Could be a reason for drivers continuing to travel alone and traffic congestion not reducing. 
Keep. 

(B) The tax incentives provided for carpooling are structured to disproportionately benefit higher-income drivers, potentially leading to less participation among lower-income commuters.
Not comparing high and low income drivers at all in scope.
Eliminate. 

(C) Public transportation systems are likely to see an increase in use due to higher awareness of environmental issues, regardless of the carpooling initiative.
We are not talking about the effectiveness of public transportation but the traffic volume on roads. Out of Scope. 
Eliminate.

(D) Most traffic congestion is due to commercial vehicles, which are not affected by carpooling incentives as they cannot realistically share vehicle space.
If carpooling is not possible here, then the initiative fails to meet its objective of reducing the traffic.
Keep.

(E) The tax incentives for carpooling will initially cost the city a significant amount in lost tax revenue, which could have been used for other traffic reduction measures.
We are not discussing the financials regarding the initiative but if it will be effective in reducing the traffic congestion. 
Eliminate. 

Between A and D, D is better since it directly mentions that most traffic congestion is due to commercial vehicles, for which the plan does not work and hence a stronger reason for the plan to fail.

Hence answer is option D
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