So, the problem is about explaining why the Irish potato famine didn't result in rising wages even though a lot of people died or left, which should have made workers more valuable according to supply and demand. The question asks which option would LEAST contribute to explaining this exception.
First, let me recap the situation. Normally, after a famine reduces the labor force, wages go up because there are fewer workers (lower supply) so their value (wages) increases. But in Ireland after the 1840s famine, even though half the population was gone, wages didn't rise significantly. So we need to find factors that explain why the expected wage increase didn't happen. The LEAST helpful factor would be the one that either doesn't affect the supply and demand of labor or maybe even suggests that wages should have risen, thereby contradicting the exception.
Looking at the options:
A. Improved medical care reduced mortality among able-bodied adults post-famine. Hmm. If fewer able-bodied adults were dying, maybe the labor force wasn't as diminished as we thought. But wait, the famine already happened, so if medical care improved after, it might have actually helped keep the workforce from declining further. But the famine already caused a huge loss. If mortality decreased after, maybe the population started recovering, which could mean more workers, but this is in the decade following. If mortality went below prefamine levels, maybe the population rebounded, keeping labor supply up. So this could explain why wages didn't rise. So A might be a contributing explanation. Not sure yet.
B. Eviction policies targeted the elderly and infirm, making them emigrate, while keeping able-bodied workers. Oh, so the ones who left couldn't work anyway, so the actual workforce wasn't reduced as much. So the supply of labor didn't decrease as expected, hence no wage increase. That explains the exception. So B is a good explanation, so it's not the answer we're looking for since we need the LEAST helpful.
C. Technology advances increased efficiency, so less labor needed. Even if there were fewer workers, if technology allowed doing more with less, the demand for labor decreased. So even if supply went down, demand went down too, so wages might not rise. That makes sense as an explanation, so C is a good one. Not the answer.
D. Birth rate increased, compensating for population loss. If after the famine, the population started growing again because of higher birth rates, then the labor force might not have stayed low. For example, if half the population was lost, but then in the next decade, higher birth rates started to replace that loss. But in a decade, how much could the birth rate compensate? It takes time for newborns to enter the workforce. So maybe in the following decade, the babies born after the famine wouldn't be old enough to work yet (they'd be children). So maybe this isn't a strong explanation. But the option says "compensated for much of the loss." If the birth rate increased immediately, leading to more people entering the workforce quickly? Wait, but even if they were born right after the famine, they wouldn't be working until maybe 10-15 years later. So in the following decade, the workforce might still be low. So maybe D isn't a strong explanation. But the question is which one LEAST explains. So if D's effect is not immediate, maybe D doesn't contribute much, making it a candidate for the answer. But I need to think more.
E. England legislated artificially low wages. That's a direct intervention. Even if supply and demand would push wages up, if there's a law keeping them low, that explains why wages didn't rise. So E is a good explanation. Not the answer.
So the possible candidates for the LEAST are A and D. Let's re-examine them.
A: Improved medical care reduced mortality rate among able-bodied adults to below prefamine levels. If after the famine, the mortality rate went down, meaning more able-bodied adults survived. But the famine had already caused a massive loss. So in the following decade, if the mortality was lower, the population might have started to recover. But if the mortality was lower than before the famine, then maybe the number of able-bodied adults didn't decrease as much as the total population loss suggests. Wait, but the famine caused deaths and emigration. If after the famine, even though people were still emigrating, those who stayed had lower mortality. But if the eviction policies (as in B) were targeting non-workers, maybe the able-bodied stayed. So A's point is that even after the famine, able-bodied adults weren't dying as much. So perhaps the labor force wasn't as diminished as the total population loss suggests. For example, if half the population was lost, but most of those were non-workers (due to B) and then after the famine, the remaining workers had lower mortality, so the labor force was maintained. Then A would contribute to explaining why wages didn't go up. So A is a possible explanation.
D: Birth rate increased, compensating for population loss. But as I thought earlier, even if the birth rate went up right after the famine, those children wouldn't enter the workforce for 15 years or so. The following decade would be 10 years later. So if the famine was in the 1840s, the next decade is 1850s. Children born in the late 1840s would be 10 years old in the 1850s, still not part of the workforce. So the increased birth rate wouldn't have an immediate effect on the labor supply. Therefore, D's effect wouldn't actually compensate for the population loss in the following decade. Hence, D would not explain the lack of wage increase. Therefore, D is not a good explanation and thus would be the LEAST helpful, making it the correct answer.
Wait, but the answer choices are A through E. The question is which LEAST contributes. So if D's effect isn't felt during the decade in question, then D doesn't help explain. So D would be the least. Alternatively, maybe the answer is A? Wait, but A is about mortality rate among able-bodied adults being reduced. If after the famine, the mortality rate went down, so even though the population was halved, the able-bodied workers' numbers didn't decrease as much. But if eviction policies (B) already retained able-bodied workers, then maybe A is redundant? Or maybe A adds that after the famine, those workers were healthier, so maybe they were more productive, but the question is about the number of workers. If the mortality rate went down, so fewer workers were dying, which would mean the labor force wasn't shrinking further. But the initial loss was already huge. But maybe the key point is that even though half the population was lost, the number of able-bodied workers didn't decrease as much. If the eviction policies made sure that the ones who left were non-workers (B), and improved medical care (A) kept the remaining workers alive, then the labor supply wasn't as low as the total population loss suggests. So both B and A would explain why wages didn't rise. So A is contributing. Then D is not contributing. So the answer would be D.
Therefore, the LEAST is D. Let me check the options again.
The options are:
A. Medical care improved, reducing mortality of able-bodied adults. So more workers stayed alive.
B. Eviction policies got rid of non-workers, keeping workers.
C. Technology meant less labor needed.
D. Birth rate increased, compensating population loss.
E. England kept wages low by law.
So, D's effect on the workforce wouldn't be felt for 15-20 years. So in the following decade, the higher birth rate wouldn't have added to the labor force. So D doesn't explain why wages didn't rise in the decade after. Thus, D is the least helpful. Therefore, the answer is D.