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Years after the movement to obtain civil rights for black people in th
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Updated on: 21 Sep 2019, 08:28
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New Project RC Butler 2019 - Practice 2 RC Passages Everyday Passage # 150, Date : 16-APR-2019 This post is a part of New Project RC Butler 2019. Click here for Details
Years after the movement to obtain civil rights for black people in the United States made its most important gains, scholars are reaching for a theoretical perspective capable of clarifying its (5) momentous developments. New theories of social movements are being discussed, not just among social psychologists, but also among political theorists.
Of the many competing formulations of the (10) “classical” social psychological theory of social movement, three are prominent in the literature on the civil rights movement: “rising expectations,” “relative deprivation,” and “J-curve.” Each conforms to a causal sequence characteristic of (15) classical social movement theory, linking some unusual condition, or “system strain,” to the generation of unrest. When these versions of the classical theory are applied to the civil rights movement, the source of strain is identified as a (20) change in black socioeconomic status that occurred shortly before the widespread protest activity of the movement.
For example, the theory of rising expectations asserts that protest activity was a response to (25) psychological tensions generated by gains experienced immediately prior to the civil rights movement. Advancement did not satisfy ambition, but created the desire for further advancement. Only slightly different is the theory of relative (30) deprivation. Here the impetus to protest is identified as gains achieved during the premovement period, coupled with simultaneous failure to make any appreciable headway relative to the dominant group. The J-curve theory argues that the movement (35) occurred because a prolonged period of rising expectations and gratification was followed by a sharp reversal.
Political theorists have been dismissive of these applications of classical theory to the civil rights (40) movement. Their arguments rest on the conviction that, implicitly, the classical theory trivializes the political ends of movement participants, focusing rather on presumed psychological dysfunctions; reduction of complex social situations to simple (45) paradigms of stimulus and response obviates the relevance of all but the shortest-term analysis. Furthermore, the theories lack predictive value: “strain” is always present to some degree, but social movement is not. How can we know which (50) strain will provoke upheaval?
These very legitimate complaints having frequently been made, it remains to find a means of testing the strength of the theories. Problematically, while proponents of the various theories have (55) contradictory interpretations of socioeconomic conditions leading to the civil rights movement, examination of various statistical records regarding the material status of black Americans yields ample evidence to support any of the three theories. The (60) steady rise in median black family income supports the rising expectations hypothesis; the stability of the economic position of black vis-à-vis white Americans lends credence to the relative deprivation interpretation; unemployment data are consistent (65) with the J-curve theory. A better test is the comparison of each of these economic indicators with the frequency of movement-initiated events reported in the press; unsurprisingly, none correlates significantly with the pace of reports (70) about movement activity.
1. It can be inferred from the passage that the classical theory of social movement would not be appropriately applied to an annual general election because such an election
(A) may focus on personalities rather than on political issues (B) is not provoked primarily by an unusual condition (C) may be decided according to the psychological needs of voters (D) may not entail momentous developments (E) actually entails two or more distinct social movements
2. According to the passage, the “rising expectations” and “relative deprivation” models differ in which one of the following ways?
(A) They predict different responses to the same socioeconomic conditions. (B) They disagree about the relevance of psychological explanations for protest movements. (C) They are meant to explain different kinds of social change. (D) They describe the motivation of protesters in slightly different ways. (E) They disagree about the relevance of socioeconomic status to system strain.
3. The author implies that political theorists attribute which one of the following assumptions to social psychologists who apply the classical theory of social movements to the civil rights movement?
(A) Participants in any given social movement have conflicting motivations. (B) Social movements are ultimately beneficial to society. (C) Only strain of a socioeconomic nature can provoke a social movement. (D) The political ends of movement participants are best analyzed in terms of participants’ psychological motivations. (E) Psychological motivations of movement participants better illuminate the causes of social movements than do participants’ political motivations.
4. Which one of the following statements is supported by the results of the “better test” discussed in the last paragraph of the passage?
(A) The test confirms the three classical theories discussed in the passage. (B) The test provides no basis for deciding among the three classical theories discussed in the passage. (C) The test shows that it is impossible to apply any theory of social movements to the civil rights movement. (D) The test indicates that press coverage of the civil rights movement was biased. (E) The test verifies that the civil rights movement generated socioeconomic progress.
5. The validity of the “better test” (line 65) as proposed by the author might be undermined by the fact that
(A) the press is selective about the movement activities it chooses to cover (B) not all economic indicators receive the same amount of press coverage (C) economic indicators often contradict one another (D) a movement-initiated event may not correlate significantly with any of the three economic indicators (E) the pace of movement-initiated events is difficult to anticipate
(A) persuade historians of the indispensability of a theoretical framework for understanding recent history (B) present a new model of social movement (C) account for a shift in a theoretical debate (D) show the unity underlying the diverse classical models of social movement (E) discuss the reasoning behind and shortcomings of certain social psychological theories
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13 May 2019, 22:07
Could you please explain question 1 why the answer is option b and not c because in lines 40-45 movement participants i.e votes indirectly is mentioned
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16 May 2019, 12:32
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Explanation
Topic and Scope:
The theoretical underpinnings of the black civil rights movement; specifically, whether the classical social psychological model satisfactorily explains the movement and its success.
Purpose and Main Idea:
Author wants to explain and evaluate the classical theory as it applies to the civil rights movement, and ends up echoing the complaints of political theorists that the classical theory doesn’t hit the mark.
Paragraph Structure:
Para 1 announces the problem—the need to come up with a theoretical basis for the black civil rights movement—and identifies the two groups whose views will be mentioned in the course of the passage (without, it should be noted, the author’s taking a position herself. Yet.)
Para 2 focuses on the “classical” theory of social movements as expounded by social psychologists, and names three strains or formulations of that theory, although they go undefined for the moment. Para 2 ends with the conclusion to which all three lead: namely, that the civil rights movement was triggered by socioeconomic changes. We have to take that on faith until Para 3 tells us a little more about each of the three classical theories and the conclusion each leads to. As promised at the end of Para 2, they all point to socioeconomic causes. No sooner does Para 4 begin than the explanations in the previous two para’s are dismissed, at least by political theorists, who believe (not surprisingly) that social psychological theories blur the political factors underlying the movement, and that such theories make predicting future social movements impossible.
Finally in Para 5 the author herself takes a stand, calling the political theorists’ objections “legitimate” (line 51) and evaluating various tests that have been run on the classical theories. The results are inconclusive, but do not bode well for wider acceptance of the classical social psychological model on the topic of the black civil rights movement.
1. It can be inferred from the passage that the classical theory of social movement would not be appropriately applied to an annual general election because such an election
Difficulty Level: 650
Explanation
Tricky, because the concept of elections never comes up directly. You need to infer that the answer will come out of Para 2, where the classical theory and its variants are most completely defined, and so it does. All three variations, we’re told, “[conform] to a causal sequence characteristic of” the classical theory in which “some unusual condition” is linked “to the generation of unrest” (lines 14-17). If an unusual condition is therefore a necessary condition of the classical theory, then of course the election proposed in the stem—an annual event—would not qualify.
(A) Contrary to (A), personalities can be studied under the classical theory, but in any event the content of the election is irrelevant to the issue of whether the classical theory would apply.
(C), too, is an aspect of the election itself that has no bearing on how the classical theory is described and applied. If voters’ psychological needs were relevant to the election results, presumably the classical theory could encompass them—if, that is, the theory could be applied.
(D) picks up the phrase “momentous developments” from para 1, where it’s used to describe the black civil rights movement itself. No connection to the question whatsoever.
(E) need not be so—an election need not “entail two or more distinct social movements,” but so what if it did? Nowhere are we told that the presence of simultaneous social movements renders the classical theory inadequate or inapplicable.
• A major theme running through all of the passages on this PrepTest X has been: Know where in the passage each question is pointing you to. Even a question like 22, which seems out of left field, must connect with the passage somehow. Think about the passage logic, and move decisively.
ANSWER: B
blueshores wrote:
Could you please explain question 1 why the answer is option b and not c because in lines 40-45 movement participants i.e votes indirectly is mentioned
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26 May 2019, 12:50
SajjadAhmad wrote:
3. The author implies that political theorists attribute which one of the following assumptions to social psychologists who apply the classical theory of social movements to the civil rights movement?
This question can be found in Paragraph 4. See Below:
SajjadAhmad wrote:
Political theorists have been dismissive of these applications of classical theory to the civil rights movement. Their arguments rest on the conviction that, implicitly, the classical theory trivializes the political ends of movement participants, focusing rather on presumed psychological dysfunctions; reduction of complex social situations to simple paradigms of stimulus and response obviates the relevance of all but the shortest-term analysis.
Simply put, the Political Theorists are saying that social psychologists who apply classical theory trivialize political motivations ("political ends") rather than focusing on psychological motivations (psychological dysfunctions).
(C) Only strain of a socioeconomic nature can provoke a social movement.
This was never implied about social psychologists who apply classical theory.
(D) The political ends of movement participants are best analyzed in terms of participants’ psychological motivations.
Extreme language.
(E) Psychological motivations of movement participants better illuminate the causes of social movements than do participants’ political motivations.
This is what the quoted sentences imply. _________________
Would I rather be feared or loved? Easy. Both. I want people to be afraid of how much they love me.
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31 May 2019, 13:48
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dhritidutta wrote:
Can someone explain why in Q6, the main purpose of the passage is E and not D?
Excerpt from the passage:
scholars are reaching for a theoretical perspective capable of clarifying its momentous developments. New theories of social movements are being discussed, not just among social psychologists, but also among political theorists.
Main purpose:
Author wants to explain and evaluate the classical theory as it applies to the civil rights movement, and ends up echoing the complaints of political theorists that the classical theory doesn’t hit the mark.
The author highlights that Political theorists have been dismissive of the “classical” social psychological theory.
Answer choice analysis:
Quote:
(A) persuade historians of the indispensability of a theoretical framework for understanding recent history
The author does NOT favor “classical” social psychological theory. Thus, NO point in persuading historians of the indispensability of a theoretical framework.
Quote:
(B) present a new model of social movement
It's too vague to be considered the main purpose because the mere presentation of a new model has NEVER been the intent.
Quote:
(C) account for a shift in a theoretical debate
There is NO shift in theoretical debate.
A shift implies a confirmation and then dismissal of the idea.
However, in the passage, the author
1) is projecting the new theories of social movements, not just among social psychologists, but also among political theorists, and 2) evaluates their ( new theories of social movements ) appropriability.
Quote:
(D) show the unity underlying the diverse classical models of social movement
The author does confirm HOW the classical models of the social movement are similar in nature in para-3. However, it's NOT the main intent of the passage because the author ends up echoing the complaints of political theorists that the classical theory does NOT hit the mark.
Quote:
(E) discuss the reasoning behind and shortcomings of certain social psychological theories
Aha! The author enlights how the different formulations of the social psychological theory reasons to explain a phenomenon. However, According to political theorists: they failed ( shortcomings ) to address the issue.
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03 Jun 2019, 02:27
MikeScarn wrote:
SajjadAhmad wrote:
3. The author implies that political theorists attribute which one of the following assumptions to social psychologists who apply the classical theory of social movements to the civil rights movement?
This question can be found in Paragraph 4. See Below:
SajjadAhmad wrote:
Political theorists have been dismissive of these applications of classical theory to the civil rights movement. Their arguments rest on the conviction that, implicitly, the classical theory trivializes the political ends of movement participants, focusing rather on presumed psychological dysfunctions; reduction of complex social situations to simple paradigms of stimulus and response obviates the relevance of all but the shortest-term analysis.
Simply put, the Political Theorists are saying that social psychologists who apply classical theory trivialize political motivations ("political ends") rather than focusing on psychological motivations (psychological dysfunctions).
(C) Only strain of a socioeconomic nature can provoke a social movement.
This was never implied about social psychologists who apply classical theory.
(D) The political ends of movement participants are best analyzed in terms of participants’ psychological motivations.
Extreme language.
(E) Psychological motivations of movement participants better illuminate the causes of social movements than do participants’ political motivations.
This is what the quoted sentences imply.
Hey, could you please explain why options A & B are not valid.
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01 Sep 2019, 01:44
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Hi everyone, Took 13:20 minutes and got 5/6 correct. Took 5:30 minutes to read, write down paragraphs summaries and main point formulation.
P1: New theories of social movements P2: 3 theories and their mechanism P3: 3 theories described P4: Complaints by the political theorists P5: How the theories should be validated
MP: Present 3 theories and discuss the benefits and drawbacks of those
1. It can be inferred from the passage that the classical theory of social movement would not be appropriately applied to an annual general election because such an election
Pre-thinking: We know that the classical theory of social movements goes against the 3 theories discussed in P2. Now Each of those theories talks about an unusual condition prior to any development. Hence let's infer that the classical theory does not entail any unusual condition.
(A) may focus on personalities rather than on political issues Personalities are outside of the scope. Hence incorrect
(B) is not provoked primarily by an unusual condition In line with pre-thinking. Hence correct
(C) may be decided according to the psychological needs of voters Cannot be inferred as a difference from the information given. Hence incorrect
(D) may not entail momentous developments Very vague answer and it does not clearly shows as a difference. hence incorrect
(E) actually entails two or more distinct social movements Cannot be inferred from the given information. Hence incorrect
2. According to the passage, the “rising expectations” and “relative deprivation” models differ in which one of the following ways?
Pre-thinking: Looking at paragraph 3 we can find the main difference: "coupled with simultaneous failure to make any appreciable headway relative to the dominant group."
(A) They predict different responses to the same socioeconomic conditions. Same responses actually. Hence incorrect
(B) They disagree about the relevance of psychological explanations for protest movements. Not mentioned. Hence incorrect
(C) They are meant to explain different kinds of social change. No. They all want to explain the same social change. Hence incorrect
(D) They describe the motivation of protesters in slightly different ways. Yes. We need to make an inference here. In the first theory the motivation comes from getting more and more. In the second case the motivation comes always from further gains but is associated with failures. Hence correct
(E) They disagree about the relevance of socioeconomic status to system strain. Never mentioned. hence incorrect
3. The author implies that political theorists attribute which one of the following assumptions to social psychologists who apply the classical theory of social movements to the civil rights movement?
Pre-thinking: Lets have a look at P4 where this is discussed:"Their arguments rest on the conviction that, implicitly, the classical theory trivializes the political ends of movement participants, focusing rather on presumed psychological dysfunctions;"
It seems that the mistake is to not consider at all the political ends and to focus only on PD
(A) Participants in any given social movement have conflicting motivations. Too general and it does not addresses the matter at hand. Hence incorrect
(B) Social movements are ultimately beneficial to society. Never mentioned. Hence incorrect
(C) Only strain of a socioeconomic nature can provoke a social movement. To extreme and never mentioned. Hence incorrect
(D) The political ends of movement participants are best analyzed in terms of participants’ psychological motivations. Political ends are not considered at all. Hence incorrect
(E) Psychological motivations of movement participants better illuminate the causes of social movements than do participants’ political motivations. In line with pre-thinking. Hence correct
4. Which one of the following statements is supported by the results of the “better test” discussed in the last paragraph of the passage?
Pre-thinking: The better test is a test that shows correlation between actions and results. It seems that such correlation didn't show up when analyzing the theories.
(A) The test confirms the three classical theories discussed in the passage. Opposite. Hence incorrect
(B) The test provides no basis for deciding among the three classical theories discussed in the passage. In line with pre-thinking.hence corret
(C) The test shows that it is impossible to apply any theory of social movements to the civil rights movement. Not according to the passage. Hence incorrect
(D) The test indicates that press coverage of the civil rights movement was biased. Press coverage is not at issue. Hence incorrect
(E) The test verifies that the civil rights movement generated socioeconomic progress. The test should test the theories not the accuracy of the results. Hence incorrect
5. The validity of the “better test” (line 65) as proposed by the author might be undermined by the fact that
Pre-thinking: The press coverage was somehow not accurate, biased.
(A) the press is selective about the movement activities it chooses to cover If the press does not cover those movements the test inevitably can't be accurate. Hence correct
(B) not all economic indicators receive the same amount of press coverage Press coverage reports events not economic indicators. Hence incorrect
(C) economic indicators often contradict one another Irrelevant to the discussion.Hence incorrect
(D) a movement-initiated event may not correlate significantly with any of the three economic indicators If so the test would show no correlation and it would still be accurate. Hence incorrect
(E) the pace of movement-initiated events is difficult to anticipate No matter if so because the important factor is that the movement-initiated event is reported by the press. Hence incorrect
Pre-thinking: Refer to main point above to analyze the answer choices.
(A) persuade historians of the indispensability of a theoretical framework for understanding recent history No attempt at persuading. Hence incorrect
(B) present a new model of social movement No new model presented. Hence incorrect
(C) account for a shift in a theoretical debate No shift. Hence incorrect
(D) show the unity underlying the diverse classical models of social movement Partial scope. Hence incorrect
(E) discuss the reasoning behind and shortcomings of certain social psychological theories Correct since the theories are analyzed and the shortcomings are presented. Hence correct
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05 Sep 2019, 04:26
auradediligodo wrote:
Hi everyone, Took 13:20 minutes and got 5/6 correct. Took 5:30 minutes to read, write down paragraphs summaries and main point formulation.
P1: New theories of social movements P2: 3 theories and their mechanism P3: 3 theories described P4: Complaints by the political theorists P5: How the theories should be validated
MP: Present 3 theories and discuss the benefits and drawbacks of those
1. It can be inferred from the passage that the classical theory of social movement would not be appropriately applied to an annual general election because such an election
Pre-thinking: We know that the classical theory of social movements goes against the 3 theories discussed in P2. Now Each of those theories talks about an unusual condition prior to any development. Hence let's infer that the classical theory does not entail any unusual condition.
(A) may focus on personalities rather than on political issues Personalities are outside of the scope. Hence incorrect
(B) is not provoked primarily by an unusual condition In line with pre-thinking. Hence correct
(C) may be decided according to the psychological needs of voters Cannot be inferred as a difference from the information given. Hence incorrect
(D) may not entail momentous developments Very vague answer and it does not clearly shows as a difference. hence incorrect
(E) actually entails two or more distinct social movements Cannot be inferred from the given information. Hence incorrect
2. According to the passage, the “rising expectations” and “relative deprivation” models differ in which one of the following ways?
Pre-thinking: Looking at paragraph 3 we can find the main difference: "coupled with simultaneous failure to make any appreciable headway relative to the dominant group."
(A) They predict different responses to the same socioeconomic conditions. Same responses actually. Hence incorrect
(B) They disagree about the relevance of psychological explanations for protest movements. Not mentioned. Hence incorrect
(C) They are meant to explain different kinds of social change. No. They all want to explain the same social change. Hence incorrect
(D) They describe the motivation of protesters in slightly different ways. Yes. We need to make an inference here. In the first theory the motivation comes from getting more and more. In the second case the motivation comes always from further gains but is associated with failures. Hence correct
(E) They disagree about the relevance of socioeconomic status to system strain. Never mentioned. hence incorrect
3. The author implies that political theorists attribute which one of the following assumptions to social psychologists who apply the classical theory of social movements to the civil rights movement?
Pre-thinking: Lets have a look at P4 where this is discussed:"Their arguments rest on the conviction that, implicitly, the classical theory trivializes the political ends of movement participants, focusing rather on presumed psychological dysfunctions;"
It seems that the mistake is to not consider at all the political ends and to focus only on PD
(A) Participants in any given social movement have conflicting motivations. Too general and it does not addresses the matter at hand. Hence incorrect
(B) Social movements are ultimately beneficial to society. Never mentioned. Hence incorrect
(C) Only strain of a socioeconomic nature can provoke a social movement. To extreme and never mentioned. Hence incorrect
(D) The political ends of movement participants are best analyzed in terms of participants’ psychological motivations. Political ends are not considered at all. Hence incorrect
(E) Psychological motivations of movement participants better illuminate the causes of social movements than do participants’ political motivations. In line with pre-thinking. Hence correct
4. Which one of the following statements is supported by the results of the “better test” discussed in the last paragraph of the passage?
Pre-thinking: The better test is a test that shows correlation between actions and results. It seems that such correlation didn't show up when analyzing the theories.
(A) The test confirms the three classical theories discussed in the passage. Opposite. Hence incorrect
(B) The test provides no basis for deciding among the three classical theories discussed in the passage. In line with pre-thinking.hence corret
(C) The test shows that it is impossible to apply any theory of social movements to the civil rights movement. Not according to the passage. Hence incorrect
(D) The test indicates that press coverage of the civil rights movement was biased. Press coverage is not at issue. Hence incorrect
(E) The test verifies that the civil rights movement generated socioeconomic progress. The test should test the theories not the accuracy of the results. Hence incorrect
5. The validity of the “better test” (line 65) as proposed by the author might be undermined by the fact that
Pre-thinking: The press coverage was somehow not accurate, biased.
(A) the press is selective about the movement activities it chooses to cover If the press does not cover those movements the test inevitably can't be accurate. Hence correct
(B) not all economic indicators receive the same amount of press coverage Press coverage reports events not economic indicators. Hence incorrect
(C) economic indicators often contradict one another Irrelevant to the discussion.Hence incorrect
(D) a movement-initiated event may not correlate significantly with any of the three economic indicators If so the test would show no correlation and it would still be accurate. Hence incorrect
(E) the pace of movement-initiated events is difficult to anticipate No matter if so because the important factor is that the movement-initiated event is reported by the press. Hence incorrect
Pre-thinking: Refer to main point above to analyze the answer choices.
(A) persuade historians of the indispensability of a theoretical framework for understanding recent history No attempt at persuading. Hence incorrect
(B) present a new model of social movement No new model presented. Hence incorrect
(C) account for a shift in a theoretical debate No shift. Hence incorrect
(D) show the unity underlying the diverse classical models of social movement Partial scope. Hence incorrect
(E) discuss the reasoning behind and shortcomings of certain social psychological theories Correct since the theories are analyzed and the shortcomings are presented. Hence correct
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05 Sep 2019, 07:39
@azhrhasan
Hi,
4 and 5 are quite confusing. In 4, Option B and C have similar meaning same goes with 5, between option A and B[/quote]
Hi, I'm happy to clear things for you
Question 4
Answers b and c are quite different actually.
(B) The test provides no basis for deciding among the three classical theories discussed in the passage. This answer is supported clearly by the passage when it is mentioned that the test showed no correlation.
(C) The test shows that it is impossible to apply any theory of social movements to the civil rights movement. option C however mentions ANY theory of social movements. That any means ALL theories of social movements while the test talks only about the mentioned theories.
option 5
To answer this question think about the means used by the test to assess the theories. The test uses the press coverage, right? Now if the press selects subjectively which events to cover and which not the test is not anymore objective and the validity is undermined. this is why option A is correct
On the other hand option B talks about economic indicators. B) not all economic indicators receive the same amount of press coverage Economic indicators are not used at all by the test. The test uses only events covered by the press. So even if the economic indicators are left out of the rest coverage the validity of the test won't be undermined.
5. The validity of the “better test” (line 65) as proposed by the author might be undermined by the fact that
Difficulty Level: 700
Explanation
(B) Tempting if you read it too quickly. However, if all of the economic indicators relevant to the movement and the classical theory were in fact reported by the press (and they might have been), then the author’s “better test” would be unharmed. So the possible holes in press coverage do not, in and of themselves, act to weaken the author’s test.
(C) Yes, they may, but such a contradiction would only be meaningful if the evidence lent support to more than one of the theories, in which case we might have trouble sorting them out. But none of the three theories gains support from the test.
(D) distorts the thrust of the test, which is to compare the economic indicators with “the pace of reports about movement activity” (lines 64-65). No one “event,” movement initiated or otherwise, is part of the test.
(E) The issue isn’t whether the press, or anyone else, can keep pace with change, but rather how the press kept up with the black civil rights movement years ago and how the reports of activity correlated with economic indicators.
Concentration: Social Entrepreneurship, Sustainability
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02 Oct 2019, 09:33
Could you please clarify the meanings of options A and D in the second question. What is implied by responses to socio-economic conditions as well as by the motivation of the protesters?
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03 Oct 2019, 00:43
1
ShresthaSabnam wrote:
Could you please clarify the meanings of options A and D in the second question. What is implied by responses to socio-economic conditions as well as by the motivation of the protesters?
Explanation
2. According to the passage, the “rising expectations” and “relative deprivation” models differ in which one of the following ways?
Difficulty Level: 600
Explanation
This question clearly sends you to para 3, where the two models are described, if sketchily. The relative deprivation model is, we’re told, “only slightly different” from the rising expectations model, and happily we needn’t spend much time figuring out why: correct choice (D) states the obvious.
(A) Neither model seems to have much predictive value. In any event, the two models are described insofar as each explains the civil rights movement of the past; we aren’t told nearly enough to make a judgment on the predictions each would make.
(B) Au contraire, the relevance of a psychological explanation is something about which the two models in question agree. It’s what each is based on.
(C) No, each is described as explaining the same social change—the black civil rights movement. Each does so differently, which brings us back to (D).
(E) is the one people choose if they work too hard, grabbing the phrase “system strain” from para 2 (why, heaven only knows, because the two models aren’t described until a para later) and overthinking the “slight difference” briefly alluded to in line 29. In fact, so far as we can tell, the big difference between the two models is that while both models believe that protest began because of socioeconomic gains that predated the movement, “relative deprivation” brings in a second factor (lines 32-34). If anything, both models believe that socioeconomic status is relevant to the issues at hand.
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