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Years after the movement to obtain civil rights for black people in th

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Years after the movement to obtain civil rights for black people in th  [#permalink]

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New post 17 Apr 2019, 07:46
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New Project RC Butler 2019 - Practice 2 RC Passages Everyday
Passage # 150, Date : 16-APR-2019
This post is a part of New Project RC Butler 2019. Click here for Details


Years after the movement to obtain civil rights
for black people in the United States made its
most important gains, scholars are reaching for
a theoretical perspective capable of clarifying its
(5) momentous developments. New theories of social
movements are being discussed, not just among
social psychologists, but also among political
theorists.

Of the many competing formulations of the
(10) “classical” social psychological theory of social
movement, three are prominent in the literature on
the civil rights movement: “rising expectations,”
“relative deprivation,” and “J-curve.” Each
conforms to a causal sequence characteristic of
(15) classical social movement theory, linking some
unusual condition, or “system strain,” to the
generation of unrest. When these versions of the
classical theory are applied to the civil rights
movement, the source of strain is identified as a
(20) change in black socioeconomic status that occurred
shortly before the widespread protest activity of the
movement.

For example, the theory of rising expectations
asserts that protest activity was a response to
(25) psychological tensions generated by gains
experienced immediately prior to the civil rights
movement. Advancement did not satisfy ambition,
but created the desire for further advancement.
Only slightly different is the theory of relative
(30) deprivation. Here the impetus to protest is identified
as gains achieved during the premovement period,
coupled with simultaneous failure to make any
appreciable headway relative to the dominant
group. The J-curve theory argues that the movement
(35) occurred because a prolonged period of rising
expectations and gratification was followed by a
sharp reversal.

Political theorists have been dismissive of these
applications of classical theory to the civil rights
(40) movement. Their arguments rest on the conviction
that, implicitly, the classical theory trivializes the
political ends of movement participants, focusing
rather on presumed psychological dysfunctions;
reduction of complex social situations to simple
(45) paradigms of stimulus and response obviates the
relevance of all but the shortest-term analysis.
Furthermore, the theories lack predictive value:
“strain” is always present to some degree, but
social movement is not. How can we know which
(50) strain will provoke upheaval?

These very legitimate complaints having
frequently been made, it remains to find a means of
testing the strength of the theories. Problematically,
while proponents of the various theories have
(55) contradictory interpretations of socioeconomic
conditions leading to the civil rights movement,
examination of various statistical records regarding
the material status of black Americans yields ample
evidence to support any of the three theories. The
(60) steady rise in median black family income supports
the rising expectations hypothesis; the stability
of the economic position of black vis-à-vis white
Americans lends credence to the relative deprivation
interpretation; unemployment data are consistent
(65) with the J-curve theory. A better test is the
comparison of each of these economic indicators
with the frequency of movement-initiated events
reported in the press; unsurprisingly, none
correlates significantly with the pace of reports
(70) about movement activity.
1. It can be inferred from the passage that the classical theory of social movement would not be appropriately applied to an annual general election because such an election

(A) may focus on personalities rather than on political issues
(B) is not provoked primarily by an unusual condition
(C) may be decided according to the psychological needs of voters
(D) may not entail momentous developments
(E) actually entails two or more distinct social movements


2. According to the passage, the “rising expectations” and “relative deprivation” models differ in which one of the following ways?

(A) They predict different responses to the same socioeconomic conditions.
(B) They disagree about the relevance of psychological explanations for protest movements.
(C) They are meant to explain different kinds of social change.
(D) They describe the motivation of protesters in slightly different ways.
(E) They disagree about the relevance of socioeconomic status to system strain.


3. The author implies that political theorists attribute which one of the following assumptions to social psychologists who apply the classical theory of social movements to the civil rights movement?

(A) Participants in any given social movement have conflicting motivations.
(B) Social movements are ultimately beneficial to society.
(C) Only strain of a socioeconomic nature can provoke a social movement.
(D) The political ends of movement participants are best analyzed in terms of participants’ psychological motivations.
(E) Psychological motivations of movement participants better illuminate the causes of social movements than do participants’ political motivations.


4. Which one of the following statements is supported by the results of the “better test” discussed in the last paragraph of the passage?

(A) The test confirms the three classical theories discussed in the passage.
(B) The test provides no basis for deciding among the three classical theories discussed in the passage.
(C) The test shows that it is impossible to apply any theory of social movements to the civil rights movement.
(D) The test indicates that press coverage of the civil rights movement was biased.
(E) The test verifies that the civil rights movement generated socioeconomic progress.


5. The validity of the “better test” (line 65) as proposed by the author might be undermined by the fact that

(A) the press is selective about the movement activities it chooses to cover
(B) not all economic indicators receive the same amount of press coverage
(C) economic indicators often contradict one another
(D) a movement-initiated event may not correlate significantly with any of the three economic indicators
(E) the pace of movement-initiated events is difficult to anticipate


6. The main purpose of the passage is to

(A) persuade historians of the indispensability of a theoretical framework for understanding recent history
(B) present a new model of social movement
(C) account for a shift in a theoretical debate
(D) show the unity underlying the diverse classical models of social movement
(E) discuss the reasoning behind and shortcomings of certain social psychological theories



  • Source: LSAT Official PrepTest 10 (February 1994)
  • Difficulty Level: 700

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New post 13 May 2019, 22:07
Could you please explain question 1 why the answer is option b and not c because in lines 40-45 movement participants i.e votes indirectly is mentioned

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Re: Years after the movement to obtain civil rights for black people in th  [#permalink]

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New post 16 May 2019, 12:32
Explanation


Topic and Scope:

The theoretical underpinnings of the black civil rights movement; specifically, whether the classical social psychological model satisfactorily explains the movement and its success.

Purpose and Main Idea:

Author wants to explain and evaluate the classical theory as it applies to the civil rights movement, and ends up echoing the complaints of political theorists that the classical theory doesn’t hit the mark.

Paragraph Structure:

Para 1 announces the problem—the need to come up with a theoretical basis for the black civil rights movement—and identifies the two groups whose views will be mentioned in the course of the passage (without, it should be noted, the author’s taking a position herself. Yet.)

Para 2 focuses on the “classical” theory of social movements as expounded by social psychologists, and names three strains or formulations of that theory, although they go undefined for the moment. Para 2 ends with the conclusion to which all three lead: namely, that the civil rights movement was triggered by socioeconomic changes. We have to take that on faith until Para 3 tells us a little more about each of the three classical theories and the conclusion each leads to. As promised at the end of Para 2, they all point to socioeconomic causes. No sooner does Para 4 begin than the explanations in the previous two para’s are dismissed, at least by political theorists, who believe (not surprisingly) that social psychological theories blur the political factors underlying the movement, and that such theories make predicting future social movements impossible.

Finally in Para 5 the author herself takes a stand, calling the political theorists’ objections “legitimate” (line 51) and evaluating various tests that have been run on the classical theories. The results are inconclusive, but do not bode well for wider acceptance of the classical social psychological model on the topic of the black civil rights movement.


1. It can be inferred from the passage that the classical theory of social movement would not be appropriately applied to an annual general election because such an election

Difficulty Level: 650

Explanation

Tricky, because the concept of elections never comes up directly. You need to infer that the answer will come out of Para 2, where the classical theory and its variants are most completely defined, and so it does. All three variations, we’re told, “[conform] to a causal sequence characteristic of” the classical theory in which “some unusual condition” is linked “to the generation of unrest” (lines 14-17). If an unusual condition is therefore a necessary condition of the classical theory, then of course the election proposed in the stem—an annual event—would not qualify.

(A) Contrary to (A), personalities can be studied under the classical theory, but in any event the content of the election is irrelevant to the issue of whether the classical theory would apply.

(C), too, is an aspect of the election itself that has no bearing on how the classical theory is described and applied. If voters’ psychological needs were relevant to the election results, presumably the classical theory could encompass them—if, that is, the theory could be applied.

(D) picks up the phrase “momentous developments” from para 1, where it’s used to describe the black civil rights movement itself. No connection to the question whatsoever.

(E) need not be so—an election need not “entail two or more distinct social movements,” but so what if it did? Nowhere are we told that the presence of simultaneous social movements renders the classical theory inadequate or inapplicable.

• A major theme running through all of the passages on this PrepTest X has been: Know where in the passage each question is pointing you to. Even a question like 22, which seems out of left field, must connect with the passage somehow. Think about the passage logic, and move decisively.

ANSWER: B


blueshores wrote:
Could you please explain question 1 why the answer is option b and not c because in lines 40-45 movement participants i.e votes indirectly is mentioned

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Re: Years after the movement to obtain civil rights for black people in th  [#permalink]

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New post 26 May 2019, 12:50
SajjadAhmad wrote:
3. The author implies that political theorists attribute which one of the following assumptions to social psychologists who apply the classical theory of social movements to the civil rights movement?


This question can be found in Paragraph 4. See Below:
SajjadAhmad wrote:
Political theorists have been dismissive of these applications of classical theory to the civil rights movement. Their arguments rest on the conviction that, implicitly, the classical theory trivializes the political ends of movement participants, focusing rather on presumed psychological dysfunctions; reduction of complex social situations to simple paradigms of stimulus and response obviates the relevance of all but the shortest-term analysis.


Simply put, the Political Theorists are saying that social psychologists who apply classical theory trivialize political motivations ("political ends") rather than focusing on psychological motivations (psychological dysfunctions).

(C) Only strain of a socioeconomic nature can provoke a social movement.

This was never implied about social psychologists who apply classical theory.

(D) The political ends of movement participants are best analyzed in terms of participants’ psychological motivations.

Extreme language.

(E) Psychological motivations of movement participants better illuminate the causes of social movements than do participants’ political motivations.

This is what the quoted sentences imply.
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New post 30 May 2019, 11:59
Can someone explain why in Q6, the main purpose of the passage is E and not D?
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Re: Years after the movement to obtain civil rights for black people in th  [#permalink]

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New post 31 May 2019, 13:48
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dhritidutta wrote:
Can someone explain why in Q6, the main purpose of the passage is E and not D?

Excerpt from the passage:
    scholars are reaching for a theoretical perspective capable of clarifying its momentous developments. New theories of social movements are being discussed, not just among social psychologists, but also among political theorists.
Main purpose:
    Author wants to explain and evaluate the classical theory as it applies to the civil rights movement, and ends up echoing the complaints of political theorists that the classical theory doesn’t hit the mark.

The author highlights that Political theorists have been dismissive of the “classical” social psychological theory.

Answer choice analysis:
    Quote:
    (A) persuade historians of the indispensability of a theoretical framework for understanding recent history
      The author does NOT favor “classical” social psychological theory. Thus, NO point in persuading historians of the indispensability of a theoretical framework.
    Quote:
    (B) present a new model of social movement
      It's too vague to be considered the main purpose because the mere presentation of a new model has NEVER been the intent.
    Quote:
    (C) account for a shift in a theoretical debate
      There is NO shift in theoretical debate.
        A shift implies a confirmation and then dismissal of the idea.

      However, in the passage, the author
        1) is projecting the new theories of social movements, not just among social psychologists, but also among political theorists, and
        2) evaluates their ( new theories of social movements ) appropriability.
    Quote:
    (D) show the unity underlying the diverse classical models of social movement
      The author does confirm HOW the classical models of the social movement are similar in nature in para-3.
      However, it's NOT the main intent of the passage because the author ends up echoing the complaints of political theorists that the classical theory does NOT hit the mark.
    Quote:
    (E) discuss the reasoning behind and shortcomings of certain social psychological theories
      Aha!
      The author enlights how the different formulations of the social psychological theory reasons to explain a phenomenon.
      However, According to political theorists: they failed ( shortcomings ) to address the issue.

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Re: Years after the movement to obtain civil rights for black people in th  [#permalink]

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New post 03 Jun 2019, 02:27
MikeScarn wrote:
SajjadAhmad wrote:
3. The author implies that political theorists attribute which one of the following assumptions to social psychologists who apply the classical theory of social movements to the civil rights movement?


This question can be found in Paragraph 4. See Below:
SajjadAhmad wrote:
Political theorists have been dismissive of these applications of classical theory to the civil rights movement. Their arguments rest on the conviction that, implicitly, the classical theory trivializes the political ends of movement participants, focusing rather on presumed psychological dysfunctions; reduction of complex social situations to simple paradigms of stimulus and response obviates the relevance of all but the shortest-term analysis.


Simply put, the Political Theorists are saying that social psychologists who apply classical theory trivialize political motivations ("political ends") rather than focusing on psychological motivations (psychological dysfunctions).

(C) Only strain of a socioeconomic nature can provoke a social movement.

This was never implied about social psychologists who apply classical theory.

(D) The political ends of movement participants are best analyzed in terms of participants’ psychological motivations.

Extreme language.

(E) Psychological motivations of movement participants better illuminate the causes of social movements than do participants’ political motivations.

This is what the quoted sentences imply.



Hey, could you please explain why options A & B are not valid.
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Re: Years after the movement to obtain civil rights for black people in th   [#permalink] 03 Jun 2019, 02:27
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